Classic Works of Apologetics - America's Christian Heritage - PresidentsClassic Works of Apologetics Online
America's Christian Heritage
U.S. Presidents
For over two centuries, America's presidents have acknowledged a belief in God, looked to Him for guidance and credited Him for His blessings. These acknowledgements are presented here.
"The Christian religion, as I understand it, is the brightness of the glory and the express portrait of the character of the eternal, self-existent, independent, benevolent, all powerful and all merciful creator, preserver, and father of the universe, the first good, first perfect, and first fair. It will last as long as the world. Neither savage nor civilized man, without a revelation, could ever have discovered or invented it. Ask me not, then, whether I am a Catholic or Protestant, Calvinist or Arminian. As far as they are Christians, I wish to be a fellow-disciple with them all." -- President John Adams, from A Letter to Benjamin Rush. Quincy, 21 January, 1810, published in The Works of John Adams, Second President of the United States: with a life of the author, notes and illustrations. Boston, 1850-1856. 659 pp. Volume 9 of 10.
The American's Own Book, containing the Declaration of Independence, with the Lives of the Signers: The Constitution of the United States, The inaugural addresses and first annual messages of all the presidents from Washington to Pierce, the farewell addresses of George Washington and Andrew Jackson, with a portrait and life of each president of the United States, to the present time. New York, 1855. 495 pp.
Edward Currier, fl. 19th Century. The Political Textbook: containing the Declaration of Independence, with the lives of the signers;
the Constitution of the United States; the inaugural addresses and first annual messages of all the Presidents, from Washington to Tyler; the farewell addresses of George Washington and Andrew Jackson; and a variety of useful tables, etc. Worcester, Mass, W. Blake, 1842. 512 pp. tables. 19 cm.
Lossing, Benson John. The National History of the United States, from the period of the union of the colonies against the French, to the inauguration of Washington: Together with historical sketches of the continental presidents and an account of the public property of the United States. New York: Edward Walker, 1855. 2 vol.: ill., facsims., ports.; 26 cm. Volume 1. Volume 2.
First President of the United States. Read more about Washington here.
WORKS
W. R. Miller, compiler. George Washington: His Christian Faith in His Own Words. 162 pp. Word document. Primary source documentation of his attendence at church and service as a Christian. Washington's writings include his recommendations for chaplains to serve in the army, his promotion of Christianity through Thanksgiving proclamations and General Orders to his troops and in other public addresses. This essay includes testimony from his daughter, Eleanor (Nelly) Parke Custis Lewis (1779-1852) regarding Washington's religious beliefs.
W. R. Miller, compiler. George Washington: Advocate of Prayer and Worship, in His Own Words. 58 pp. Word document. Companion piece to the above compilation, these records come from Washington's diaries, general orders as Commander-in-chief of the Continental Army, and proclamations as President of the United States. This documents his personal prayer life, and his recommendations of prayer to God for his troops, and for the American nation.
D. C. Garrett. George Washington: He Was a Christian and a Communicant. Morning Oregonian (Portland, OR), Issue 11,602. Thursday, February 17, 1898; pg. 7, Column A. Corrections: Garrett refers to Sewall of New Hampshire as "Newhall" and Dr. Berrian as "Dr. Berlen."
Bring on the Prayerbook. Arguments from W. A. Cruffet, Rebecca S. Price and Wm. F. Carne regarding Washington's Christianity. Washington Post, July 20, 1903, p. 10.
Philip Slaughter. The History of Truro Parish in Virginia. Published by George W. Jacobs & Company, Publishers, Philadelphia, 1907. 1908 edition here. Published by G.W. Jacobs & Co., 1908. 164 pp.
WASHINGTON AS A CHURCH-GOER
In a popular work entitled "The True George Washington," by the late Paul Leicester Ford, the brilliant author devotes a few pages only to a subject which demands a far more accurate and sympathetic treatment than is given to it, namely, Washington's religious training and habits. Referring to Washington's services as a Vestryman, it is acknowledged that he was "Quite active in Church affairs;" but in touching these the author not only repeats all the traditional errors which, for lack of authentic data, have been made by previous writers on this subject, but he falls into a number of new and strange ones, and becomes involved in a most curious labyrinth of inaccuracies. All these the foregoing pages will correct.
W.M. Clark. Colonial Churches: A Series of Sketches of Churches in the Original Colony of Virginia, with Pictures of Each Church. Published by Southern churchman co., 1907. 319 pages.
"At a Vestry held for Truro Parish October 25, 1762," so the old vestry book states, it was "Ordered, that George Washington Esqr. be chosen and appointed one of the Vestrymen of this Parish, in the room of William Peake, Gent, deceased." And the court records show that "At a Court held for the County of Fairfax, 15th February, 1763, George Washington Esqr. took the oaths according to Law repeated and subscribed the Test and subscribed to the Doctrine and Discipline of the Church of England in order to qualify him to act as a Vestryman of Truro Parish.
These numerous oaths and subscriptions, which the law was explicit in requiring of every vestryman, are not without interest in this connection. The well-known test oath was in these words: "I do declare that I do believe there is not any Transubstantiation in the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper, or in the elements of Bread and Wine at or after the Consecration thereof by any person whatsoever." For the subscription to the doctrine and discipline of the Church of England there was no formula prescribed by law. The other oaths, too long to be reproduced here, are to be found in the Statutes at Large of England, First of George I., stat. 2, c. 13, and may also be seen, with slight errors in transcription, in Bishop Meade's Old Churches, &c., Vol. II., p. 4.
--p. 110.
William Montgomery Brown. The Church for Americans ...: Revised and Enlarged 10th edition. Published by T. Whittaker, 1899. 501 pp. Washington a Communicant.
News from America. Morning Chronicle and London Advertiser (London, England), Monday, June 10, 1776; Issue 2201. Extracts from the New York Constitutional Gazette, April 10 and April 17. The Address of the honorable Council and House of Representatives to his Excellency George Washington, Esq.; General and Commander in Chief of the Forces of the United Colonies.
... "The Supreme Ruler of the Universe having smiled on our arms, and crowned your labours with remarkable success, we are now, without that effusion of blood we so much wished to avoid, again in the quiet possession of our capital; the wisdom and prudence of those movements, which have obliged the enemy to abandon our metropolis, will be ever remembered by the inhabitants of this colony. May you still go on approved by Heaven, revered by all good men, and dreaded by those tyrants who claim their fellow men as their property!" ...
With reply by Washington:
..."When the councils of the British nation had formed a plan for enslaving America, and depriving her sons of their most sacred and invaluable privileges, against the clearest remonstrances of the constitution--of justice and of truth; and to execute their schemes, had appealed to the sword, I esteemed it my duty to take a part in the contest, and more especially, on account of my being called thereto by the unsolicited representatives of a free people; wishing for no other reward than that arising from a conscientious discharge of the important trust, and that my services might contribute to the establishment of freedom and peace, upon a permanent foundation, and merit the applause of my countrymen, and every virtuous citizen."
... "That the metropolis of your colony is now relieved from the cruel and oppressive invasion of those who were sent to erect the standard of lawless domination, and to trample on the rights of humanity, and is again open and free for its rightful possessors, must give pleasure to every virtuous and sympathetic heart, and being effected without the blood of our soldiers and fellow citizens, must be ascribed to the interposition of that Providence, which has manifestly appeared in our behalf through the whole of this important struggle, as well as to the measures pursued for bringing about the happy event.
"May that Being who is powerful to save, and in whose hands is the fate of nations, look down with an eye of tender pity and compassion upon the whole of the United colonies; may he continue to smile upon their counsels and arms, and crown them with success, whilst employed in the cause of virtue and mankind. May this distressed colony and its capital, and every part of this wide extended continent, through his divine favour, be restored to more than their former lustre and once happy state, and have peace, liberty, and safely secured upon a solid, permanent, and lasting foundation."
Letter to Burwell Bassett, August 28, 1762 . The Writings of George Washington from the Original Manuscript Sources , 1745-1799. John C. Fitzpatrick, Editor.
"I was favoured with your Epistle wrote on a certain 25th of July when you ought to have been at Church, praying as becomes every good Christian Man who has as much to answer for as you have; strange it is that you will be so blind to truth that the enlightning sounds of the Gospel cannot reach your Ear, nor no Examples awaken you to a sense of Goodness; could you but behold with what religious zeal I hye me to Church on every Lords day, it would do your heart good, and fill it I hope with equal fervency; ..."
"All Officers, non-commissioned Officers and Soldiers are positively forbid playing at Cards, and other Games of Chance. At this time of public distress, men may find enough to do in the service of their God, and their Country, without abandoning themselves to vice and immorality."
"The Hon. Continental Congress having been pleased to allow a Chaplain to each Regiment, with the pay of Thirty-three Dollars and one third per month 'The Colonels or commanding officers of each regiment are directed to procure Chaplains accordingly; persons of good Characters and exemplary lives' To see that all inferior officers and soldiers pay them a suitable respect and attend carefully upon religious exercises. The blessing and protection of Heaven are at all times necessary but especially so in times of public distress and danger'The General hopes and trusts that every officer and man will endeavor to live and act as becomes a Christian soldier defending the dearest rights and liberties of his country."
GENERAL ORDER RESPECTING THE OBSERVANCE OF THE SABBATH DAY IN THE ARMY AND NAVY
EXECUTIVE MANSION,
Washington, November 15, 1862
The President, Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy, desires and enjoins the orderly observance of the Sabbath by the officers and men in the military and naval service. The importance for men and beast of the prescribed weekly rest, the sacred rights of Christian soldiers and sailors, a becoming deference to the best sentiment of a Christian people, and a due regard for the divine will demand that Sunday labor in the Army and Navy be reduced to the measure of strict necessity.
The discipline and character of the national forces should not suffer nor the cause they defend be imperiled by the profanation of the day or name of the Most High. 'At this time of public distress,' adopting the words of Washington in 1776, 'men may find enough to do in the service of God and their country without abandoning themselves to vice and immorality.' The first general order issued by the Father of his Country after the Declaration of Independence indicates the spirit in which our institutions were founded and should ever be defended:
The General hopes and trusts that every officer and man will endeavor to live and act as becomes a Christian soldier defending the dearest rights and liberties of his country.
The Corporation of Harvard College at Cambridge, in New England, to all faithful in Christ, to whom these presents shall come. Greeting. Boston,-April 3, 1776.
Whereas academical degrees were originally instituted for this purpose, that men, eminent for knowledge, wisdom and virtue, who have highly merited of the republic of letters, should be rewarded with the honor of these laurels, there is the greatest propriety in conferring such honor on that very illustrious gentleman, George Washington, esq., the accomplished general of the confederated colonies in America; whose knowledge and patriotic ardor are manifest to all; who, for his distinguished virtues, both civil and military, in the first place being elected by the suffrages of the Virginians one of their delegates, exerted himself with fidelity and singular wisdom in the celebrated congress in America, for the defence of liberty, when in the utmost danger of being forever lost, and for the salvation of his country, and then at the earnest request of that grand council of patriots, without hesitation, left all the pleasures of his delightful seat in Virginia, and the affairs of his own estate, that, through all the fatigues and dangers of camp, without accepting any reward, he might deliver New England from the unjust and cruel arms of Great Britain, and defend the other colonies; and who, by the most signal smiles of Divine Providence on his military operations, drove the fleet and troops of the enemy with disgraceful precipitation from the town of Boston, which for eleven months had been shut, fortified and defended by a garrison of above 7,000 regulars; so that the inhabitants, who suffered a great variety of hardships and cruelties while under the power of their oppressors, now rejoice in their deliverance; the neighboring towns are also freed from the tumults of arms, and our university has the agreeable prospect of being restored to its ancient seat.
Know ye, therefore, that we, the president and fellows of Harvard College in Cambridge, (with the consent of the honored and reverend overseers of our academy) have constituted and created the aforesaid gentleman, GEORGE WASHINGTON, who merits the highest honor, DOCTOR OF LAWS, the law of nature and nations, and the civil law; and have given and granted him at the same time all rights, privileges and honors to the said degree pertaining.
In testimony whereof, we have affixed the common seal of our university to these letters, and subscribed them with our hand-writing, this third day of April, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and seventy-six.
Samuel Langdon, S. T. D. Preses.
Nathaniel Appleton, S. T. D.
Johannes Winthrop, Mat. et. Phi. P.
Andreas Elliot, S. T. D. (Hoi.) LL. D.
Samuel Cooper, S. T. D.
Johans Wadsworth, Log. et. Eth. Pre.
General Orders, May 2, 1778The Writings of George Washington from the Original Manuscript Sources, 1745-1799. John C. Fitzpatrick, Editor.
General Orders, June 30, 1778The Writings of George Washington from the Original Manuscript Sources, 1745-1799. John C. Fitzpatrick, Editor.
General Orders, November 27, 1779 . The Writings of George Washington from the Original Manuscript Sources , 1745-1799. John C. Fitzpatrick, Editor.
Circular Letter of farewell to the Army/Circular to the States, 8 June 1783:
Introduction: here; Original: here; Transcript: here
and here and here.
I now make it my earnest prayer, that God would have you, and the State over which you preside, in his holy protection, that he would incline the hearts of the Citizens to cultivate a spirit of subordination and obedience to Government, to entertain a brotherly affection and love for one another, for their fellow Citizens of the United States at large, and particularly for their brethren who have served in the Field, and finally, that he would most graciously be pleased to dispose us all, to do Justice, to love mercy, and to demean ourselves with that Charity, humility and pacific temper of mind, which were the Characteristics of the Divine Author of our blessed Religion, and without an humble imitation of whose example in these things, we can never hope to be a happy Nation.
A contemplation of the compleat attainment (at a period earlier than could have been expected) of the object for which we contended against so formidable a power cannot but inspire us with astonishment and gratitude. The disadvantageous circumstances on our part, under which the war was undertaken, can never be forgotten. The singular interpositions of Providence in our feeble condition were such, as could scarcely escape the attention of the most unobserving; while the unparalleled perseverence of the Armies of the U States, through almost every possible suffering and discouragement for the space of eight long years, was little short of a standing miracle.
... To the various branches of the Army the General takes this last and solemn opportunity of professing his inviolable attachment and friendship. He wishes more than bare professions were in his power, that he were really able to be useful to them all in future life. He flatters himself however, they will do him the justice to believe, that whatever could with propriety be attempted by him has been done, and being now to conclude these his last public Orders, to take his ultimate leave in a short time of the military character, and to bid a final adieu to the Armies he has so long had the honor to Command, he can only again offer in their behalf his recommendations to their grateful country, and his prayers to the God of Armies. May ample justice be done them here, and may the choicest of heaven's favours, both here and hereafter, attend those who, under the devine auspices, have secured innumerable blessings for others; with these wishes, and this benediction, the Commander in Chief is about to retire from Service. The Curtain of seperation will soon be drawn, and the military scene30 to him will be closed for ever.31
[Note 30: The word "Scene" is inadvertently omitted.]
[Note 31: From the copy in the writing of John Singer Dexter, assistant adjutant general of the Continental Army.
From this paper, presumably, the orders were read to the troops then at West Point. It is indorsed by Brig Gen. James Clinton: "Genl Washington farewell orders to the Army in 1783." It is now (1937) on deposit in the Library of Congress. The draft, in the writing of David Cobb, is in the Washington Papers.]
John C. Fitzpatrick, Editor. George Washington to Marie Joseph Paul Yves Roch Gilbert du Motier, Marquis de Lafayette, February 7, 1788. The Writings of George Washington from the Original Manuscript Sources, 1745-1799.
"[T]he [federal] government . . . can never be in danger of degenerating into a monarchy, and oligarchy, an aristocracy, or any other despotic or oppressive form so long as there shall remain any virtue in the body of the people."
George Washington to Congress, April 30, 1789/First Inaugural Address, 30 April 1789: Introduction: here; Original: here and here; Transcription: here and here and here and here.
Such being the impressions under which I have, in obedience to the public summons, repaired to the present station, it would be peculiarly improper to omit in this first official act my fervent supplications to that Almighty Being who rules over the universe, who presides in the councils of nations, and whose providential aids can supply every human defect, that His benediction may consecrate to the liberties and happiness of the people of the United States a Government instituted by themselves for these essential purposes, and may enable every instrument employed in its administration to execute with success the functions allotted to his charge. In tendering this homage to the Great Author of every public and private good, I assure myself that it expresses your sentiments not less than my own, nor those of my fellow-citizens at large less than either. No people can be bound to acknowledge and adore the Invisible Hand which conducts the affairs of men more than those of the United States.
Having thus imparted to you my sentiments as they have been awakened by the occasion which brings us together, I shall take my present leave; but not without resorting once more to the benign Parent of the Human Race in humble supplication that, since He has been pleased to favor the American people with opportunities for deliberating in perfect tranquillity, and dispositions for deciding with unparalleled unanimity on a form of government for the security of their union and the advancement of their happiness, so His divine blessing may be equally conspicuous in the enlarged views, the temperate consultations, and the wise measures on which the success of this Government must depend.
Letter to General Assembly of Presbyterian Churches/George Washington to Presbyterian Church General Assembly, May 1789: here; Transcript: here
George Washington to Virginia Baptists General Committee/Letter to the General Committee of the United Baptist Churches in Virginia, May 10, 1789: here; Transcript: here.
Address of the House of Representatives to George Washington, President of the United States. May 5, 1789.
... This anticipation is not justified merely by the past experience of your signal services. It is particularly suggested by the pious impressions under which you commence your Administration and the enlightened maxims by which you mean to conduct it. We feel with you the strongest obligations to adore the Invisible Hand which has led the American people through so many difficulties, to cherish a conscious responsibility for the destiny of republican liberty, and to seek the only sure means of preserving and recommending the precious deposit in a system of legislation founded on the principles of an honest policy and directed by the spirit of a diffusive patriotism.
... All that remains is that we join in our fervent supplications for the blessings of Heaven on our country, and that we add our own for the choicest of these blessings on the most beloved of her citizens.
Message in Reply to the House of Representatives, May 8, 1789.
GENTLEMEN: Your very affectionate address produces emotions which I know not how to express. I feel that my past endeavors in the service of my country are far overpaid by its goodness, and I fear much that my future ones may not fulfill your kind anticipation. All that I can promise is that they will be invariably directed by an honest and an ardent zeal. Of this resource my heart assures me. For all beyond I rely on the wisdom and patriotism of those with whom I am to cooperate and a continuance of the blessings of Heaven on our beloved country.
Whereas it is the duty of all Nations to acknowledge the providence of Almighty God, to obey his will, to be grateful for his benefits, and humbly to implore his protection and favor--and whereas both Houses of Congress have by their joint Committee requested me "to recommend to the People of the United States a day of public thanksgiving and prayer to be observed by acknowledging with grateful hearts the many signal favors of Almighty God especially by affording them an opportunity peaceably to establish a form of government for their safety and happiness."
John C. Fitzpatrick, editor. Address to the Synod of the Dutch Reformed Church in North America, October 9, 1789. The Writings of George Washington, Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1932, Vol. XXX, p. 432 n.
"You, Gentlemen, act the part of pious Christians and good citizens by your prayers and exertions to preserve that harmony and good will towards men which must be the basis of every political establishment; and I readily join with you that 'while just government protects all in their religious rights, true religion affords to government its surest support.'
I am deeply impressed with your good wishes for my present and future happiness--and I beseech the Almighty to take you and yours under his special care.
G. Washington."
"The tribute of thanksgiving, which you offer to the gracious Father of Lights, for his inspiration of our publick councils with wisdom and firmness to complete the National Constitution, is worthy of men, who, devoted to the pious purposes of religion, desire their accomplishment by such means as advance the temporal happiness of their fellow men. And, here, I am persuaded, you will permit me to observe, that the path of true piety is so plain, as to require but little political direction.
"To this consideration we ought to ascribe the absence of any regulation respecting religion from the Magna Charta of our country, to the guidance of the Ministers of the Gospel, this important object is, perhaps, more properly committed. It will be your care to instruct the ignorant, and to reclaim the devious: And in the progress of morality and science, to which our Government will give every furtherance, we may confidently expect the advancement of true religion, and the completion of our happiness.
"I pray the munificent Rewarder of virtue, that your agency in this work, may receive its compensation here and hereafter."
... You encourage respect for religion, and inculcate, by words and actions, that principle on which the welfare of nations so much depends--that a superintending Providence governs the events of the world and watches over the conduct of men. Your exalted maxims and unwearied attention to the moral and physical improvement of our country have produced already the happiest effects. Under your administration, America is animated with zeal for the attainment and encouragement of useful literature; she improves agriculture, extends her commerce, and acquires with foreign nations a dignity unknown to her before. From these happy events, in which none can feel a warmer interest than ourselves, we derive additional pleasure by recollecting that you, sir, have been the principal instrument to effect so rapid a change in our political situation. This prospect of national prosperity is peculiarly pleasing to us on another account; because, whilst our country preserves her freedom and independence, we shall have a well-founded title to claim from her justice the equal rights of citizenship, as the price of our blood spilt under your eyes, and of our common exertions for her defence, under your auspicious conduct--rights rendered more dear to us by the remembrance of former hardships. When we pray for the preservation of them where they have been granted, and expect the full extension of them from the justice of those states which still restrict them, when we solicit the protection of Heaven over our common country, we neither admit, nor can omit, recommending your preservation to the singular care of divine Providence, because we conceive that no human means are so available to promote the welfare of the United States as the prolongation of your health and life, in which are included the energy of your example, the wisdom of your counsels, and the persuasive eloquence of your virtues.
Washington:
Gentlemen:--While I now receive with much satisfaction your congratulations on my being called by an unanimous vote, to the first station of my country, I cannot but duly notice your politeness, in offering an apology for the unavoidable delay. And as that delay has given you an opportunity of realizing, instead of anticipating, the benefits of the general government, you will do me the justice to believe, that your testimony of the increase of the public prosperity, enhances the pleasure, which I should otherwise have experienced from your affectionate address.
I feel that my conduct, in war and in peace, has met with more general approbation than could have reasonably been expected; and I And myself disposed to consider that fortunate circumstance, in a great degree, resulting from the able support, and extraordinary candor, of my fellow-citizens of all denominations.
The prospect of national prosperity now before us, is truly animating, and ought to excite the exertions of all good men, to establish and secure the happiness of their country, in the permanent duration of its freedom and independence. America, under the smiles of divine providence, the protection of a good government, and the cultivation of manners, morals, and piety, cannot fail of attaining an uncommon degree of eminence in literature, commerce, agriculture, improvements at home, and respectability abroad.
As mankind become more liberal, they will be more apt to allow, that all those who conduct themselves as worthy members of the community, are equally entitled to the protection of civil government. I hope ever to see America among the foremost nations in examples of justice and liberality. And I presume that your fellow citizens will not forget the patriotic part which you took in the accomplishment of their revolution, and the establishment of their government, or the important assistance which they received from a nation in which the Roman Catholic faith is professed.
I thank you, gentlemen, for your kind concern for me. While my life and my health shall continue, in whatever situation I may be, it shall be my constant endeavor to justify the favorable sentiments which you are pleased to express of my conduct. And may the members of your society in America, animated alone by the pure spirit of Christianity, and still conducting themselves as the faithful subjects of our government, enjoy every temporal and spiritual felicity.
Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political prosperity, Religion and morality are indispensable supports. In vain would that man claim the tribute of Patriotism, who should labour to subvert these great Pillars of human happiness, these firmest props of the duties of Men & citizens. The mere Politican, equally with the pious man ought to respect & to cherish them. A volume could not trace all their connections with private & public felicity. Let it simply be asked where is the security for property, for reputation, for life, if the sense of religious obligation desert the Oaths, which are the instruments of investigation in Courts of Justice? And let us with caution indulge the supposition, that morality can be maintained without religion. Whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined education on minds of peculiar structure--reason & experience both forbid us to expect that National morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principle.
'Tis substantially true, that virtue or morality is a necessary spring of popular government. The rule indeed extends with more or less force to every species of Free Government. Who that is a sincere friend to it, can look with indifference upon attempts to shake the foundation of the fabric.
... Observe good faith & justice towards all Nations. Cultivate peace & harmony with all--Religion & morality enjoin this conduct; and can it be that good policy does not equally enjoin it? It will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and, at no distant period, a great Nation, to give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel example of a People always guided by an exalted justice & benevolence.
Testimony of Washington, and of the Congress of 1776, in favor of the special Providence of God and the Bible. Providence: Printed by R. Cranston, 1836. 12 pp.; 20 cm. "The following compilation from the writings of Washington, and the Journals of the Congress of 1776, was delivered before the young men of Richmond Street congregation, in Providence, on the evening of February 22nd, 1826."
Bedford, Gunning, 1747-1812. A Funeral oration upon the death of General George Washington: Prepared at the request of the Masonic Lodge, no. 14, of Wilmington, state of Delaware, and delivered on St. John the Evangelist's day, being the 27th of December, anno lucis 5799; and now published at the particular desire of the Lodge. / By Gunning Bedford, A.M.; [Two lines in Latin from Horace]
Wilmington [Del.]: Printed at the Franklin Press, by James Wilson, 1800, 19, [1] pp.; (4to)
Morris, Gouverneur, 1752-1816. An Oration, upon the death of General Washington: / by Gouverneur Morris; Delivered at the request of the Corporation of the City of New-York, on the 31st day of December, 1799. And published by their request; [Two lines of Latin verse]. New-York: Printed by John Furman, opposite the City Hall, 1800. 24 pp.; 21 cm. (8vo)
From Works of Fisher Ames. Eulogy on Washington. Delivered, at the request of the legislature of Massachusetts, February 8, 1800. "Our liberty depends on our education, our laws, and habits, ... it is founded on morals and religion, whose authority reigns in the heart, and on the influence all these produce on publick opinion, before that opinion governs rulers."
Justice Joseph Story. An Eulogy on General George Washington: written at the request of the inhabitants of Marblehead, and delivered before them on the second day of January, A.D. 1800. / By Joseph Story, A.B.; [Two lines in Latin from Tacitus] Salem, Mass.: Printed by Joshua Cushing, County Street, Salem, 1800. 24 pp.; 21 cm. (8vo)
James Wallis, Oration on George WashingtonPart 1, Part 2.
Hartford, Nov. 30. Connecticut Courant, November 30, 1789. Address of the Trustees of Dartmouth College to the President of the United States, with the President's response.
Interesting Documents. Philadelphia Recorder, January 31, 1829, p. 179. Address of the Trustees of Dartmouth College to the President of the United States, with the President's response.
James Abercrombie. Washington Not a Communicant. The New-York Evangelist, March 17, 1887, p. 2, col. D. Reprint of letter from Magazine of American History, June 1885.
Washington Not a Communicant. The New-York Evangelist, October 4, 1888, p. 7, col. D. Ref. to Annals of the American Pulpit, vol. 5.
Second President of the United States. Read more about John Adams here. Note: Adams shifted from Congregationalist to Unitarian.
WORKS
Adams at the Massachusetts Historical Society. Features text-searchable archives: Adams Papers Digital Editions, Adams Family Papers, the Diaries of John Quincy Adams and Adams Papers Editorial Project.
Review 1The American Monthly Review; or, Literary Journal (1795-1795). Philadelphia: Aug 1795. Vol. 2, Issue 4; pp. 301-310. review of History of the Principal Republics in the World: A Defence of the Constitutions of Government of the United States of America, Against the Attack of M. Turgot, in His Letter to Dr. Price Dated the Twenty Second Day of March 1778."
1798 National Fasting and Prayer Proclamation. Copy here. Brief commentary by David Barton.
... "I have therefore thought fit to recommend, and I do hereby recommend, that Wednesday, the 9th day of May next, be observed throughout the United States as a day of solemn humiliation, fasting, and prayer; that the citizens of these States, abstaining on that day from their customary worldly occupations, offer their devout addresses to the Father of Mercies agreeably to those forms or methods which they have severally adopted as the most suitable and becoming; that all religious congregations do, with the deepest humility,acknowledge before God the manifold sins and transgressions with which we are justly chargeable as individuals and as a nation; beseeching Him at the same time, of His infinite grace, through the Redeemer of the world, freely to remit all our offenses, and to incline us, by His Holy Spirit, to that sincere repentance and reformation which may afford us reason to hope for his inestimable favor and heavenly benediction ..."
The Works of John Adams, Second President of the United States: with a life of the author, notes and illustrations. Boston, 1850-1856. 553 pp. Volume 2 of 10. Preface and Diary. Includes diary entries for February 15-28, March 1-7, 12-26, August 1, September 10, October 17, 1756. Extracts.
February 18. Wednesday. ..."The following questions may be answered some time or other, namely,--Where do we find a precept in the Gospel requiring Ecclesiastical Synods? Convocations? Councils? Decrees? Creeds? Confessions? Oaths? Subscriptions? and whole cart-loads of other trumpery that we find religion encumbered with in these days?"
February 22. Sunday. "Suppose a nation in some distant region should take the Bible for their only law-book, and every member should regulate his conduct by the precepts there exhibited! Every member would be obliged, in conscience, to temperance and frugality and industry; to justice and kindness and charity towards his fellow men; and to piety, love, and reverence, towards Almighty God. In this commonwealth, no man would impair his health by gluttony, drunkenness, or lust; no man would sacrifice his most precious time to cards or any other trifling and mean amusement; no man would steal, or lie, or in any way defraud his neighbor, but would live in peace and good will with all men; no man would blaspheme his Maker or profane his worship; but a rational and manly, a sincere and unaffected piety and devotion would reign in all heats. What a Utopia; what a Paradise would this region be!"
March 2. Tuesday. "Began this afternoon my third quarter. The great and Almighty author of nature, who at first established those rules which regulate the world, can as easily suspend those laws whenever his providence sees sufficient reason for such suspension. This can be no objection, then, to the miracles of Jesus Christ. Although some very thoughtful and contemplative men among the heathen attained a strong persuasion of the great principles of religion, yet the far greater number, having little time for speculation, gradually sunk into the grossest opinions and the grossest practices These, therefore, could not be made to embrace the true religion till their attention was roused by some astonishing and miraculous appearances. The reasoning of philosophers, having nothing surprising in them, could not overcome the force of prejudice, custom, passion, and bigotry. But when wise and virtuous men, commissioned from heaven, by miracles awakened men's attention to their reasonings, the force of truth made its way with ease to their minds."
March 17. Wednesday. "A fine morning. Proceeded on my journey towards Braintree. Stopped to see Mr. Haven [The Reverend Jason Haven, then just ordained as pastor of the first parish in Dedham.], of Dedham, who told me, very civilly, he supposed I took my faith on trust from Dr. Mayhew, and added, that he believed the doctrine of the satisfaction of Jesus Christ to be essential to Christianity, and that he would not believe this satisfaction unless he believed the Divinity of Christ." ...
The Works of John Adams, Second President of the United States: with a life of the author, notes and illustrations. Boston, 1850-1856. 553 pp. Volume 2 of 10. Autobiography.
The Works of John Adams, Second President of the United States: with a life of the author, notes and illustrations. Boston, 1850-1856. 579 pp. Volume 3 of 10. On Self-Delusion.
The Works of John Adams, Second President of the United States: with a life of the author, notes and illustrations. Boston, 1850-1856. 579 pp. Volume 3 of 10. On Private Revenge.
The Works of John Adams, Second President of the United States: with a life of the author, notes and illustrations. Boston, 1850-1856. 579 pp. Volume 3 of 10. Diary. Extracts.
"The Christian religion is, above all the religions that ever prevailed or existed in ancient or modern times, the religion of wisdom, virtue, equity, and humanity, let the blackguard Paine say what he will; it is resignation to God, it is goodness itself to man."
... "One great advantage of the Christian religion is, that it brings the great principle of the law of nature and nations, -- Love your neighbor as yourself, and do to others as you would that others should do to you, -- to the knowledge, belief, and veneration of the whole people. Children, servants, women, and men, are all professors in the science of public and private morality. No other institution of education, no kind of political discipline, could diffuse this kind of necessary information, so universally among all ranks and descriptions of citizens. The duties and rights of the man and the citizen are thus taught from early infancy to every creature. The sanctions of a future life are thus added to the observance of civil and political, as well as domestic and private duties. Prudence, justice, temperance, and fortitude, are thus taught to be the means and conditions of future as well as present happiness."
"The moment the idea is admitted into society, that property is not as sacred as the laws of God, and that there is not a force of law and public justice to protect it, anarchy and tyranny commence. If 'Thou shalt not covet,' and 'Thou shalt not steal,' were not commandments of Heaven, they must be made inviolable precepts in every society, before it can be civilized or made free."
The Works of John Adams, Second President of the United States: with a life of the author, notes and illustrations. Boston, 1850-1856. 659 pp. Volume 9 of 10. TO ZABDIEL ADAMS. Philadelphia, 21 June, 1776. Also here. Zabdiel Adams (1739-1801), Lunenburg, Mass., minister, was a cousin of John Adams. Shipton, Harvard Graduates, 14:377-83. Zabdiel's June 9 letter to John is in Adams, Family Correspondence (Butterfield), 2:6-8.
"I assure you, sir, that your Employment, in investigating the Moral Causes of our Miseries, and in pointing out the Remedies, is devoutly to be wished. There is no station more respectable; nor any so pleasant and agreable. Those who tread the public Stage, in Characters the most extensively conspicuous, meet with so many Embarrassments, Perplexities, and Disappointments, that they have often reason to wish for the peacefull Retreats of the Clergy.... Who would not wish to exchange the angry Contentions of the Forum, for the peacefull Contemplations of the Closet. Where Contemplations prune their ruffled Wings and the free Soul looks down to pitty Kings? Who would not Exchange the discordant Scenes of Envy, Pride, Vanity, Malice, Revenge, for the sweet Consolations of Philosophy, the serene Composure of the Passions, the divine Enjoyments of Christian Charity, and Benevolence?
"Statesmen my dear Sir, may plan and speculate for Liberty, but it is Religion and Morality alone, which can establish the Principles upon which Freedom can securely stand.... The only foundation of a free Constitution, is pure Virtue, and if this cannot be inspired into our People, in a greater Measure, than they have it now, They may change their Rulers, and the forms of Government, but they will not obtain a lasting Liberty. They will only exchange Tyrants and Tyrannies. You cannot therefore be more pleasantly, or usefully employed than in the Way of your Profession, pulling down the Strong Holds of Satan. This is not Cant, but the real sentiment of my Heart. Remember me with much respect, to your worthy family, and to all Friends."
"While our country remains untainted with the principles and manners which are now producing desolation in so many parts of the world; while she continues sincere, and incapable of insidious and impious policy, we shall have the strongest reason to rejoice in the local destination assigned us by Providence. But should the people of America once become capable of that deep simulation towards one another, and towards foreign nations, which assumes the language of justice and moderation while it is practising iniquity and extravagance, and displays in the most captivating manner the charming pictures of candor, frankness, and sincerity, while it is rioting in rapine and insolence, this country will be the most miserable habitation in the world; because we have no government armed with power capable of contending with human passions unbridled by morality and religion. Avarice, ambition, revenge, or gallantry, would break the strongest cords of our Constitution as a whale goes through a net. Our Constitution was made only for a moral and religious people. It is wholly inadequate to the government of any other."
" ... I will insist that the Hebrews have done more to civilize men than any other nation. If I were an atheist, and believed in blind eternal fate, I should still believe that fate had ordained the Jews to be the most essential instrument for civilizing the nations. If I were an atheist of the other sect, who believe or pretend to believe that all is ordered by chance, I should believe that chance had ordered the Jews to preserve and propagate to all mankind the doctrine of a supreme, intelligent, wise, almighty sovereign of the universe, which I believe to be the great essential principle of all morality, and consequently of all civilization."--pp. 608-610.
Noah, M. M. 1785-1851. (Mordecai Manuel). The Jews, Judea, and Christianity: A Discourse on the Restoration of the Jews . London: Hugh Hughes, xii, 47 pp.; 20 cm. John Adams to Mordecai Manuel Noah, 1819, p. xi.
"I really wish the Jews again in Judea, an independent nation, for, as I believe, the most enlightened men of it have participated in the amelioration of the philosophy of the age; once restored to an independent government, and no longer persecuted, they would soon wear away some of the asperities and peculiarities of their character, possibly in time become liberal Unitarian Christians, for your Jehovah is our Jehovah, and your God of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob is our God."
The Works of John Adams, Second President of the United States: with a life of the author, notes and illustrations. Boston, 1850-1856. 659 pp. Volume 9 of 10. To Benjamin Rush. Quincy, 21 January, 1810. A discussion of Thomas Paine.
"I have not seen, but am impatient to see, Mr. Cheetham's life of Mr. Paine. His political writings, I am singular enough to believe, have done more harm than his irreligious ones. He understood neither government nor religion. From a malignant heart he wrote virulent declamations, which the enthusiastic fury of the times intimidated all men, even Mr. Burke, from answering as he ought. His deism, as it appears to me, has promoted rather than retarded the cause of revolution in America, and indeed in Europe. His billingsgate, stolen from Blount's Oracles of Reason, from Bolingbroke, Voltaire, Berenger, &c., will never discredit Christianity, which will hold its ground in some degree as long as human nature shall have any thing moral or intellectual left in it."
Old Family Letters: contains letters of John Adams, all but the first two addressed to Dr. Benjamin Rush; one letter from Samuel Adams, one from John Quincy Adams, and several from Thomas Jefferson addressed to Dr. Rush; "Letter of credence to the King" and "Letter of credence to the Queen" by George Washington, as President. Series B contains letters of Dr. Benjamin Rush to his wife, written during the yellow fever epidemic in Philadelphia, in 1793. Press of J.B. Lippincott Company, 1892.
John Adams to Benjamin Rush, April 18, 1808.
"I shall esteem you the more for having become a Christian on a large scale. Bigotry, Superstition and enthusiasm on religious subjects I have long since sett at Defyance. I have attended public Worship in all Countries and with all sects and believe them all much better than no religion, though I have not thought myself obliged to believe all I heard. Religion I hold to be essential to Morals. I never read of an irreligious Character in Greek or Roman History, nor in any other History, nor have I known one in Life, who was not a Rascal. Name one if you can living or dead."
The Works of John Adams, Second President of the United States: with a life of the author, notes and illustrations. Boston, 1850-1856. 528 pp. Volume 10 of 10. TO F. A. Vanderkemp, 27 December, 1816.
Adams Papers (microfilm)John Adams to Francis van der Kemp, October 2, 1818, Reel 123, Library of Congress.
"I will not condescend to employ the word Toleration. I assert that unlimited freedom of religion, consistent with morals and property, is essential to the progress of society and the amelioration of the condition of mankind."
"Religion always has and always will govern mankind. Man is constitutionally, essentially and unchangeably a religious animal. Neither philosophers or politicians can ever govern him in any other way."
The Thomas Jefferson Papers Series 1. General Correspondence. 1651-1827. John Adams to Thomas Jefferson on 8 December 1818. "I know not how to prove physically that We shall meet and know each other in a future State; Nor does Revelation, as I can find give Us any positive Assurance of Such a felicity. My reasons for believing, it, as I do, most undoubtedly, are all moral and divine.
I believe in God and in his Wisdom and Benevolence; and I cannot conceive that Such a Being could make Such a Species as the human merely to live and die on this Earth. If I did not believe in a future State I should believe in no God..."
The Works of John Adams, Second President of the United States: with a life of the author, notes and illustrations. Boston, 1850-1856. 528 pp. Volume 10 of 10. Letter To Samuel Miller, July 8, 1820.
The Writings of Thomas Jefferson: Being His Autobiography, Correspondence, Reports, Messages, Addresses, and Other Writings, Official and Private, Published by the order of the Joint Committee of Congress on the Library, from the original manuscripts, deposited in the Department of State. With explanatory notes by the editor, H.A. Washington. Washington, D.C.: Taylor and Maury, 1854. Volume 6 of 9. John Adams to Thomas Jefferson, Quincy, 25 December, 1813. John Adams: "Philosophy looks with an impartial eye on all terrestrial religions. I have examined all, as well as my narrow sphere, my straightened means and my busy life would allow me, and the result is, that the Bible is the best book in the world. It contains more of my little philosophy than all the libraries I have seen; and such parts of it as I cannot reconcile to my little philosophy, I postpone for future investigation."
The Works of John Adams, Second President of the United States: with a life of the author, notes and illustrations. Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1856. 528 pp. Volume 10 of 10. Letter to Jefferson, 28 June, 1813. Also in The Writings of Thomas Jefferson Washington D. C.: The Thomas Jefferson Memorial Association, 1904, Vol. XIII, pp. 292-294.
"The general principles on which the fathers achieved independence, were the only principles in which that beautiful assembly of young men could unite, and these principles only could be intended by them in their address, or by me in my answer. And what were these general principles? I answer, the general principles of Christianity, in which all those sects were united, and the general principles of English and American liberty, in which all those young men united, and which had united all parties in America, in majorities sufficient to assert and maintain her independence. Now I will avow, that I then believed and now believe that those general principles of Christianity are as eternal and immutable as the existence and attributes of God; and that those principles of liberty are as unalterable as human nature and our terrestrial, mundane system. I could, therefore safely say, consistently with all my then and present information, that I believed they would never make discoveries in contradiction to these general principles."
We have now, it Seems a National Bible Society, to propagate King James's Bible, through all Nations. Would it not be better to apply these pious Subscriptions, to purify Christendom from the Corruptions of Christianity; than to propagate those Corruptions in Europe Asia, Africa and America! ... Conclude not from all this, that I have renounced the Christian religion, or that I agree with Dupuis in all his Sentiments. Far from it. I see in every Page, Something to recommend Christianity in its Purity and Something to discredit its Corruptions. ... The Ten Commandments and the Sermon on the Mount contain my Religion.
The Works of John Adams, Second President of the United States: with a life of the author, notes and illustrations. Boston, 1856. 659 pp. Volume 10 of 10. Letters on John Otis. "Mr. Otis reproached the nation, parliaments, and kings, with injustice, ungenerosity, ingratitude, cruelty, and perfidy in all their conduct towards this country, in a style of oratory that I never heard equalled in this or any other country."
The Works of John Adams, Second President of the United States: with a life of the author, notes and illustrations. Boston, 1856. 659 pp. Volume 10 of 10. Letter to Thomas Jefferson, March 2, 1816.
No man is more sensible than I am of the service to science and letters, humanity, fraternity, and liberty, that would have been rendered by the encyclopedists and economists, by Voltaire, D'Alembert, Buffon, Diderot, Rousseau, La Lande, Frederic and Catherine, if they had possessed common sense. But they were all totally destitute of it. They seemed to think that all Christendom was convinced, as they were, that all religion was "visions judaiques," and that their effulgent lights had illuminated all the world; they seemed to believe that whole nations and continents had been changed in their principles, opinions, habits, and feelings, by the sovereign grace of their almighty philosophy, almost as suddenly as Catholics and Calvinists believe in instantaneous conversion. They had not considered the force of early education on the minds of millions, who had never heard of their philosophy.
And what was their philosophy? Atheism,--pure, unadulterated atheism. Diderot, D'Alembert, Frederic, De La Lande, and Grimm, were indubitable atheists. The universe was master only, and eternal. Spirit was a word without a meaning. Liberty was a word without a meaning. There was no liberty in the universe; liberty was a word void of sense. Every thought, word, passion, sentiment, feeling, all motion and action was necessary. All beings and attributes were of eternal necessity; conscience, morality, were all nothing but fate. This was their creed, and this was to perfect human nature, and convert the earth into a paradise of pleasure.
Who and what is this fate? He must be a sensible fellow. He must be a master of science; he must be a master of spherical trigonometry, and great circle sailing; he must calculate eclipses in his head by intuition; he must be master of the science of infinitesimals, la science des infiniment petits. He must involve and extract all the roots by intuition, and be familiar with all possible or imaginable sections of the cone. He must be a master of the arts, mechanical and imitative; he must have more eloquence than Demosthenes, more wit than Swift or Voltaire, more humor than Butler or Trumbull; and what is more comfortable than all the rest, he must be good-natured; for this is upon the whole a good world. There is ten times as much pleasure as pain in it.
Why, then, should we abhor the word God, and fall in love with the word fate? We know there exists energy and intellect enough to produce such a world as this, which is a sublime and beautiful one, and a very benevolent one, notwithstanding all our snarling; and a happy one, if it is not made otherwise by our own fault.
"Yesterday the greatest Question was decided, which ever was debated in America, and a greater perhaps, never was or will be decided among Men. A Resolution was passed without one dissenting Colony "that these united Colonies, are, and of right ought to be free and independent States, and as such, they have, and of Right ought to have full Power to make War, conclude Peace, establish Commerce, and to do all the other Acts and Things, which other States may rightfully do." You will see in a few days a Declaration setting forth the Causes, which have impell'd Us to this mighty Revolution, and the Reasons which will justify it, in the Sight of God and Man. A Plan of Confederation will be taken up in a few days.
When I look back to the Year 1761, and recollect the Argument concerning Writs of Assistance, in the Superiour Court, which I have hitherto considered as the Commencement of the Controversy, between Great Britain and America, and run through the whole Period from that Time to this, and recollect the series of political Events, the Chain of Causes and Effects, I am surprised at the Suddenness, as well as Greatness of this Revolution. Britain has been fill'd with Folly, and America with Wisdom, at least this is my Judgment. Time must determine. It is the Will of Heaven, that the two Countries should be sundered forever. It may be the Will of Heaven that America shall suffer Calamities still more wasting and Distresses yet more dreadful If this is to be the Case, it will have this good Effect, at least: it will inspire Us with many Virtues, which We have not, and correct many Errors, Follies, and Vices, which threaten to disturb, dishonour, and destroy Us. The Furnace of Affliction produces Refinement, in States as well as Individuals. And the new Governments we are assuming, in every Part, will require a Purification from our Vices, and an Augmentation of our Virtues or they will be no Blessings. The People will have unbounded Power. And the People are extreamly addicted to Corruption and Venality, as well as the Great. I am not without Apprehensions from this Quarter. But I must submit all my Hopes and Fears, to an overruling Providence, in which, unfashionable as the Faith may be, I firmly believe."
Philadelphia July 3d. 1776 -- "Had a Declaration of Independency been made seven Months ago, it would have been attended with many great and glorious Effects. (1) We might before this Hour, have formed Alliances with foreign States. We should have mastered Quebec and been in Possession of Canada.... You will perhaps wonder, how such a Declaration would have influenced our Affairs, in Canada, but if I could write with Freedom I could easily convince you, that it would, and explain to you the manner how. Many Gentlemen in high Stations and of great Influence have been duped, by the ministerial Bubble of Commissioners to treat.... And in real, sincere Expectation of this Event, which they so fondly wished, they have been slow and languid, in promoting Measures for the Reduction of that Province. Others there are in the Colonies who really wished that our Enterprise in Canada would be defeated, that the Colonies might be brought into Danger and Distress between two Fires, and be thus induced to submit. Others really wished to defeat the Expedition to Canada, lest the Conquest of it, should elevate the Minds of the People too much to hearken to those Terms of Reconciliation which they believed would be offered Us. These jarring Views, Wishes and Designs, occasioned an opposition to many salutary Measures, which were proposed for the Support of that Expedition, and caused Obstructions, Embarrassments and studied Delays, which have finally, lost Us the Province.
"All these Causes however in Conjunction would not have disappointed Us, if it had not been for a Misfortune, which could not be foreseen, and perhaps could not have been prevented, I mean thePrevalence of the small Pox among our Troops.... This fatal Pestilence compleated our Destruction. It is a Frown of Providence upon Us, which We ought to lay to heart.
But on the other Hand, the Delay of this Declaration to this Time, has many great Advantages attending it. The Hopes of Reconciliation, which were fondly entertained by Multitudes of honest and well meaning tho weak and mistaken People, have been gradually and at last totally extinguished. Time has been given for the whole People, maturely to consider the great Question of Independence and to ripen their Judgments, dissipate their Fears, and allure their Hopes, by discussing it in News Papers and Pamphletts, by debating it, in Assemblies, Conventions, Committees of Safety and Inspection, in Town and County Meetings, as well as in private Conversations, so that the whole People in every Colony of the 13, have now adopted it, as their own Act. This will cement the Union, and avoid those Heats and perhaps Convulsions which might have been occasioned, by such a Declaration Six Months ago.
"But the Day is past. The Second Day of July 1776, will be the most memorable Epocha, in the History of America. I am apt to believe that it will be celebrated, by succeeding Generations, as the great anniversary Festival. It ought to be commemorated, as the Day of Deliverance by solemn Acts of Devotion to God Almighty. It ought to be solemnized with Pomp and Parade, with Shews, Games, Sports, Guns, Bells, Bonfires and Illuminations from one End of this Continent to the other from this Time forward forever more.
You will think me transported with Enthusiasm but I am not. I am well aware of the Toil and Blood and Treasure, that it will cost Us to maintain this Declaration, and support and defend these States. Yet through all the Gloom I can see the Rays of ravishing Light and Glory. I can see that the End is more than worth all the Means. And that Posterity will tryumph in that Days Transaction, even altho We should rue it, which I trust in God We shall not."(2)
RC (MHi). Adams, Family Correspondence (Butterfield), 2:29-31.
1 Suspension points in MS, here and below.
2 For the provenance and publication history of this celebrated letter, see Adams, Family Correspondence (Butterfield), 2:31n.9.
"Congress will appoint a Thanksgiving, and one Cause of it ought to be that the Glory of turning the Tide of Arms, is not immediately due to the Commander in Chief, nor to southern Troops. If it had been, Idolatry, and Adulation would have been unbounded, so excessive as to endanger our Liberties for what I know.
"Now We can allow a certain Citizen to be wise, virtuous, and good, without thinking him a Deity or a saviour."
"When it was first perceived, in early times, that no middle course for America remained between unlimited submission to a foreign legislature and a total independence of its claims, men of reflection were less apprehensive of danger from the formidable power of fleets and armies they must determine to resist than from those contests and dissensions which would certainly arise concerning the forms of government to be instituted over the whole and over the parts of this extensive country. Relying, however, on the purity of their intentions, the justice of their cause, and the integrity and intelligence of the people, under an overruling Providence which had so signally protected this country from the first, the representatives of this nation, then consisting of little more than half its present number, not only broke to pieces the chains which were forging and the rod of iron that was lifted up, but frankly cut asunder the ties which had bound them, and launched into an ocean of uncertainty.
... "if elevated ideas of the high destinies of this country and of my own duties toward it, founded on a knowledge of the moral principles and intellectual improvements of the people deeply engraven on my mind in early life, and not obscured but exalted by experience and age; and, with humble reverence, I feel it to be my duty to add, if a veneration for the religion of a people who profess and call themselves Christians, and a fixed resolution to consider a decent respect for Christianity among the best recommendations for the public service, can enable me in any degree to comply with your wishes, it shall be my strenuous endeavor that this sagacious injunction of the two Houses shall not be without effect.
"With this great example before me, with the sense and spirit, the faith and honor, the duty and interest, of the same American people pledged to support the Constitution of the United States, I entertain no doubt of its continuance in all its energy, and my mind is prepared without hesitation to lay myself under the most solemn obligations to support it to the utmost of my power.
"And may that Being who is supreme over all, the Patron of Order, the Fountain of Justice, and the Protector in all ages of the world of virtuous liberty, continue His blessing upon this nation and its Government and give it all possible success and duration consistent with the ends of His providence."
"There is one fact immediately connected with this subject, which ought to be more generally known. At one moment, during the discussion of this momentous question in the Continental Congress, some of the most ardent friends of liberty conscious of its overwhelming importance began to hesitate
and incline to timid perhaps it might be better said to prudent counsels. As a just tribute to the memory of John Adams, it should be told to every American citizen, that in this important exigency, he urged the adoption of the measure with all the energies of his mind and with all the powers of his
eloquence. After stating fully the reasons of policy in favor of the declaration, he is said to have concluded his argument in language of the following animated and intrepid character.
"Sir, I know the uncertainty of human affairs, but I see, I see clearly, through this day's business. You and I, indeed may rue it. We may not live to the time, when this declaration shall be made good. We may die; die, colonists; die, slaves; die, it may be, ignominiously and on the scaffold. Be it so. Be it so. If it be the pleasure of Heaven that my country shall require the poor offering of my life, the victim shall be ready, at the appointed hour of sacrifice, come when that hour may. But while I do live, let me have a country, or at least the hope of a country, and that a free
country.
"But whatever may be our fate, be assured that this declaration will stand. It may cost treasure, it may cost blood; but it will stand, and it will richly compensate for both. Through the thick gloom of the present, I see the brightness of the future as the sun in the Heavens. We shall make this a glorious, an immortal day. When we are in our graves, our children will honour it. They will celebrate it with thanksgiving, with festivity, with bonfires, and illuminations. Sir, before God, I believe the hour is come. My judgment approves this measure, and my whole heart is in it. All that I have, and all that I am, and all that I hope, in this life, I am now ready here to stake upon it; and I leave off as I begun, that live or die, survive or perish, I am for the declaration. It is my living sentiment, and by the blessing of God it shall be my dying sentiment; Independence now; and
Independence forever."
"His bold and determined counsel prevailed. The Declaration of Independence, as presented by Mr. Jefferson, the chairman of the committee, to which duty he was appointed on the nomination of Mr. Adams, was unanimously accepted by Congress.
"To no one individual is this country more largely indebted, than to John Adams, for his ardent and patriotic zeal in the crisis of its destiny. This tribute of just acknowledgement should be the more cheerfully given, at this lime, as the malignity of party feeling, to accomplish its despicable purposes, has attempted to detract from his well earned fame, as a sincere and devoted friend of civil liberty. The means which are employed for this purpose, are well worthy of the object to be effected, and fully illustrate the character of his accusers. Soon after the peace of 1783, while Mr. Adams was in England, as the minister of the Confederated States, for the
instruction of his countrymen in the principles of republican government he published a commentary on the constitutions of the several States. This work which contained copious historical details of most of the ancient and modern Republics, with sagacious reflections upon their excellencies and defects,
was received with universal praise by the worthiest men of the time. It was not even suspected to contain a single maxim or comment inconsistent with the great principles of freedom, in support of which the contest had just ceased."
Decease of Mr. Adams. Providence Patriot, Columbian Phenix, (Providence, RI) Saturday, July 8, 1826; Issue 54; col D.
Third President of the United States. Principal author of the Declaration of Independence. Horticulturist, statesman, architect, archaeologist, inventor, and founder of the University of Virginia. Unitarian. Read about Jefferson here.
WORKS
From Thomas Jefferson to William Hamilton, 22 April 1800. "I never considered a difference of opinion in politics, in religion, in philosophy, as cause for withdrawing from a friend. During the whole of the last war, which was trying enough, I never deserted a friend because he had taken an opposite side; and those of my own state who joined the British government can attest my unremitting zeal in saving their property, and can point out the laws in our statute books which I drew, and carried through in their favor."
"First Inaugural Address" (March 4, 1801).
Friends and Fellow Citizens:
... Let us, then, with courage and confidence pursue our own Federal and Republican principles, our attachment to union and representative government. Kindly separated by nature and a wide ocean from the exterminating havoc of one quarter of the globe; too high-minded to endure the degradations of the others; possessing a chosen country, with room enough for our descendants to the thousandth and thousandth generation; entertaining a due sense of our equal right to the use of our own faculties, to the acquisitions of our own industry, to honor and confidence from our fellow-citizens, resulting not from birth, but from our actions and their sense of them; enlightened by a benign religion, professed, indeed, and practiced in various forms, yet all of them inculcating honesty, truth, temperance, gratitude, and the love of man; acknowledging and adoring an overruling Providence, which by all its dispensations proves that it delights in the happiness of man here and his greater happiness hereafter -- with all these blessings, what more is necessary to make us a happy and a prosperous people? Still one thing more, fellow-citizens -- a wise and frugal Government, which shall restrain men from injuring one another, shall leave them otherwise free to regulate their own pursuits of industry and improvement, and shall not take from the mouth of labor the bread it has earned. This is the sum of good government, and this is necessary to close the circle of our felicities.
... Relying, then, on the patronage of your good will, I advance with obedience to the work, ready to retire from it whenever you become sensible how much better choice it is in your power to make. And may that Infinite Power which rules the destinies of the universe lead our councils to what is best, and give them a favorable issue for your peace and prosperity.
"Dear Sir, In some of the delightful conversations with you, in the evenings of 1798-99, and which served as an anodyne to the afflictions of the crisis through which our country was then laboring, the Christian religion was sometimes our topic; and I then promised you, that one day or other, I would give you my views of it. They are the result of a life of inquiry & reflection, and very different from that anti-Christian system imputed to me by those who know nothing of my opinions. To the corruptions of Christianity I am indeed opposed; but not to the genuine precepts of Jesus himself. I am a Christian, in the only sense he wished any one to be; sincerely attached to his doctrines, in preference to all others."
"Second Inaugural Address" (March 4, 1805).
...In matters of religion, I have considered that its free exercise is placed by the constitution independent of the powers of the general government. I have therefore undertaken, on no occasion, to prescribe the religious exercises suited to it; but have left them, as the constitution found them, under the direction and discipline of state or church authorities acknowledged by the several religious societies.
...I shall now enter on the duties to which my fellow citizens have again called me, and shall proceed in the spirit of those principles which they have approved. I fear not that any motives of interest may lead me astray; I am sensible of no passion which could seduce me knowingly from the path of justice; but the weakness of human nature, and the limits of my own understanding, will produce errors of judgment sometimes injurious to your interests. I shall need, therefore, all the indulgence I have heretofore experienced -- the want of it will certainly not lessen with increasing years. I shall need, too, the favor of that Being in whose hands we are, who led our forefathers, as Israel of old, from their native land, and planted them in a country flowing with all the necessaries and comforts of life; who has covered our infancy with his providence, and our riper years with his wisdom and power; and to whose goodness I ask you to join with me in supplications, that he will so enlighten the minds of your servants, guide their councils, and prosper their measures, that whatsoever they do, shall result in your good, and shall secure to you the peace, friendship, and approbation of all nations.
The Writings of Thomas Jefferson: being his autobiography ..., Volume 4. Taylor & Maury, 1853. Letter to Samuel Miller January 23, 1808. I consider the government of the United States as interdicted by the Constitution from intermeddling in religious institutions, their doctrines, discipline, or exercises. This results not only from the provision that no law shall be made respecting the establishment or free exercise of religion, but from that also which reserves to the states the powers not delegated to the United States. Certainly, no power to prescribe any religious exercise or to assume authority in religious discipline has been delegated to the General Government. It must rest with the States, as far as it can be in any human authority.
John Ayliffe, 1676-1732. Parergon juris canonici anglicani: or, a commentary, by way of supplement to the canons and constitutions of the Church of England. Not only from the Books of the Canon and Civil Law, but likewise from the Statute and Common Law of this Realm. Whereunto is prefix'd, by way of Introduction, First, A brief Account of the Canon Law in general; how and from whence it had its Rise and Beginning in the Church; and how it advanced itself, by the Subtlety of the Romish Clergy, after the Seat of the Roman Empire was removed to Constantinople, and Barbarism had invaded the Politer Nations of Europe. Secondly, The Reader has also here a Particular of the Books wherein this Law was written: With the several Authors Names, the respective Times wherein they compiled them, and the best Commentators thereon: With many other Curious and Historical Remarks on this Law, &c. By John Ayliffe, L. L. D. And late Fellow of New College in Oxon. The second edition. London, M.DCC.XXXIV. [1734]. 653 pp.
Also here.
John Ayliffe, 1676-1732. A New Pandect of Roman civil law, as anciently established in that empire; and now received and practised in most European nations: with Many useful Observations thereon; shewing, Wherein that Law differs from the Municipal Laws of Great-Britain, from the Canon Law in general, and from that Part of it now in Use here with us in England. Whereunto is prefix'd, By Way of Introduction, A Preliminary Discourse, touching the Rise and Progress of the Civil Law, from the most early Times of the Roman Empire: Wherein is also comprized a particular Account of the Books themselves containing this Law, the Names of the Authors and Compilers of them, the several Editions, and the best Commentators thereon. By John Ayliffe, LL. D. late Fellow of New College, Oxon. London, M.DCC.XXXIV. [1734]. 713 pp.
Jasper Adams. The Relation of Christianity to Civil Government in the United States: A Sermon, preached in St. Michael's Church, Charleston, February 13th, 1833, before the convention of the Protestant Episcopal Church of the Diocese of South-Carolina / by J. Adams. 2nd edition. Charleston: A.E. Miller, 1833. 64 pp.; 24 cm.
Joseph Story. Art. V--Christianity a Part of the Common Law. From The American Jurist and Law Magazine, April 1833, Volume 9, pp. 346-349. Also here. A response to Thomas Jefferson's claim that Christianity is not a part of the common law.
Wilkins, David, 1685-1745. Haddan, Arthur West, 1816-1873. Stubbs, William, 1825-1901. Councils and ecclesiastical documents relating to Great Britain and Ireland. 3 v. in 4. 26 cm. Oxford, Clarendon press, 1869-78. "Based upon the Concilia Magn_ Britanni_ et Hiberni_ of Wilkins, which was itself an enlargement of Spelman and Dugdale's Concilia, decreta, leges, constitutiones in re ecclesiarum Orbis Britannici."
The History of the Anglo-Saxons from the earliest period to the Norman conquest. Paris, Baudry's European library,
6th edition. 1840 (3 v.)
Volume 1 of 3. Volume 2 of 3.
This indefatigable king [Alfred] made also a code of laws, with the concurrence of his witena-gemot or parliament, which has been called his Dom-boc. In this, for the first time, he introduced into the Anglo-Saxon legislation, not only the decalogue, but also the principal provisions of the Mosaic legislation, contained in the three chapters which follow the decalogue, with such modifications as were necessary to adapt them to the Anglo-Saxon manners. In the laws attached to them, he mentions that, with the concurrence of his witena-gemot, he had collected together, and committed to writing, the regulations which his ancestors had established; selected such of them as he approved, and rejected the rest. He adds, that he had showed them to all his witena, who declared that it pleased them all that these should be observed. Forty heads of laws then follow, on the most important subjects of the Anglo-Saxon jurisprudence and legislation, obviously tending to increase the national civilization (1).
(1) See those in Wilkin's Leg. Sax. p. 28-46. I cannot doubt that these compose the dom-boc which some ancient writers alluded to.--pp. 94-95. Volume 3 of 3.
Holt, Francis Ludlow, 1780-1844. The Law of Libel in which is contained a general history of this law in the ancient codes, and of its introduction, and successive alterations, in the law of England: comprehending a digest of all the leading cases upon libels, from the earliest to the present time. 1st American, from the 2nd London ed. / with references .... by Anthony Bleecker. New York, 1818. 327 pp. Also here.
Before the conquest the common law had settled into a compendious system. It is reasonable to believe that Alfred had accomplished such a mixture of the rules and principles of the civil law, as were adapted to the manners of his age, with such of the Saxon usages, which, through issuing from the woods of the north, had the stamp of a noble freedom. The researches of Selden, likewise, give every reason to suppose, that the piety of Alfred induced him to incorporate in his own code much of the divine revealed law, and to chastise and correct the moral law, as given to the Jews, by the more perfect charity of the Christian system*. A persuasion of this kind, perhaps, induced Lord Coke to declare, and Lord Hale to repeat after him, that Christianity was part of the common law of England**.--pp. 20-21.
* Mirror. 301. Selden on Law and Gov. Ed. 5. 60. m 2 lust.
** 2 Inst. 220. Ventris 293.
Sir Peyton Ventris, November 1645 - April 6, 1691. Great Britain. Court of King's Bench, Baron Francis North Guilford, Sir Matthew Hale, Great Britain. Court of Chancery, Great Britain. Court of Common Pleas. The Reports of Sir Peyton Ventris ...: In Two Parts. The First Part Containing Select Cases Adjudged in the Kings-bench, in the Reign of K. Charles II. [1668-1684]. Volume 1 of 2.
And Hale said, that such kind of wicked Blasphemous words were not only an offence to God and Religion; but a Crime against the Laws, Sate and Government, and therefore punishable I this Court. For to say, Religion is a Cheat, is to dissolve all those Obligations whereby Civil Societies are preserved, and that Christianity is parcel of the Laws of England; and therefore to reproach the Christian Religion, is to speak in Subversion of the Law.--p. 293. Volume 2 of 2. London, The assigns of R. and E. Atkins, 1701.
Aldrich, P. Emory. "Christian Religion and the Common Law." American Antiquarian Society Proceedings 6, April 1889 to April 1890, pp. 18-37.
... "Chancellor Kent in an elaborate opinion given by him when he was Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of the State of New York, held that blasphemy was a public offence and punishable by the common law of that State. "The free, equal, and undisturbed enjoyment of religious opinion," said the learned Chief Justice, "whatever it may be, is granted and secured; but to revile with malicious and blasphemous contempt, the religion professed by almost the whole community, is an abuse of that right. Though the constitution has discarded religious establishments, it does not forbid judicial cognizance of those offences against religion and morality, which have no reference to any such establishment, or to any particular form of government, but are punishable because they strike at the root of moral obligation and weaken the security of social ties." Thus it will be seen that the proposition, that Christianity is a part of the common law, is supported by the very highest judicial authority both in England and in this country, and further that the offences against Christianity, punishable at common law, are made so punishable, because of their tendency to disturb public order and to subvert organized government, and that they were never held to be punishable merely as offences against Christianity, much less as heresies; for the common law, whatever may have been done by statute law, never yet undertook to punish a heretic.
"This brief survey of the authorities establishes beyond the reach of controversy the fact, that Mr. Jefferson and the school of writers to which he belonged misconceived and misrepresented the doctrine, as held and declared by the courts, both English and American, of the relation of the common law to Christianity; and it also reveals the interesting fact, that the framers of the early constitutions of our States perfectly well understood the doctrine as held by the courts, and incorporated in those constitutions the principles which the courts had often announced upon this subject in the practical administration of the law."
Great Britain. 1783 Definitive Treaty of Peace. Concluded September 3, 1783; Ratified by the Continental Congress January 14, 1784; Proclaimed January 14, 1784. Signed by D. Hartley, John Adams, Benjamin Franklin and John Jay. Also presented here and in its original handwritten form. Treaty begins, "In the name of the Most Holy and Undivided Trinity."
The Writings of Thomas Jefferson: being his autobiography, correspondence, reports, messages, addresses, and other writings, official and private. Volume 10. Published by G.P.Putnam and sons, 1899. Letter to Albert Gallatin. Monticello, June 16, 1817.
"Three of our papers have presented us the copy of an act of the legislature of New York, which, if it has really passed, will carry us back to the times of the darkest bigotry and barbarism, to find a parallel. Its purport is, that all those who shall hereafter join in communion with the religious sect of Shaking Quakers, shall be deemed civilly dead, their marriages dissolved, and all their children and property taken out of their hands. This act being published nakedly in the papers, without the usual signatures, or any history of the circumstances of its passage, I am not without a hope it may have been a mere abortive attempt. It contrasts singularly with a contemporary vote of the Pennsylvania legislature, who, on a proposition to make the belief in God a necessary qualification for office, rejected it by a great majority, although assuredly there was not a single atheist in their body. And you remember to have heard, that when the act for religious freedom was before the Virginia Assembly, a motion to insert the name of Jesus Christ before the phrase, 'the author of our holy religion,' which stood in the bill, was rejected, although that was the creed of a great majority of them."
Also here.
President Calvin Coolidge. Presidential speech in Philadelphia commemorating the 150th Anniversary of the Declaration of Independence, July 5, 1926.
... "While the written word was the foundation, it is apparent that the spoken word was the vehicle for convincing the people. This came with great force and wide range from the successors of Hooker and Wise. It was carried on with a missionary spirit which did not fail to reach the Scotch-Irish of North Carolina, showing its influence by significantly making that Colony the first to give instructions to its delegates looking to independence. This preaching reached the neighborhood of Thomas Jefferson, who acknowledged that his "best ideas of democracy" had been secured at church meetings." Disclaimer: The claim about Jefferson's inspiration was reported in earlier sources, listed below. Verification of this claim, if true, is elusive. On the other hand, no record has been found of anyone disputing this claim at the time of publication. For details, see this essay at Monticello.org.
A Friend. (Identified as Dr. Fishbeck of Lawrence, KY by Quarterly Christian Spectator, September 1, 1831. Anecdote of Mr. Jefferson. Christian Watchman (1819-1848). Boston: July 14, 1826. Vol. 7, Iss. 32; p. 131.
"The following circumstances, which occurred in the State of Virginia, relative to Mr. JEFFERSON, were detailed to me by Elder ANDREW TRIBBLE, about six years ago, who since died when ninety-two or three years old. The facts may interest some of your readers--
"Andrew Tribble was the Pastor of a small Baptist Church, which held its monthly meetings at a short distance from Mr. Jefferson's house, eight or ten years before the American Revolution. Mr. Jefferson attended the meeting of the Church for several months in succession, and after one of these, asked Elder Tribble to go home and dine with him, with which request he complied.
"Mr. Tribble asked Mr. Jefferson how he was pleased with their Church Government? Mr. Jefferson replied, that it had struck him with great force, and had interested him much; that he considered it as the only form of pure democracy that then existed in the world; and had concluded that it would be the best plan of Government for the American Colonies. This was several years before the declaration of American Independence. To what extent this practical exhibition of religious liberty and equality operated on Mr. Jefferson's mind, in forming his views and principles of religious and civil freedom, which were afterwards so ably exhibited, I will not say."
Account reprinted in Christian Secretary, July 24, 1826, Daily National Journal, August 4, 1826 and New York Evangelist, August 15, 1835.
A Friend. Anecdote of Mr. Jefferson. Christian Secretary (1822-1889). Hartford: July 24, 1826. Vol. 3, Iss. 26; p. 102.
Untitled. Daily National Journal, August 4, 1826.
"A writer in the Christian Watchman relates the following anecdote of Mr. Jefferson. He says that the circumstances were detailed to him by Elder Andrew Tribble, about six years ago, who since died when ninety-two or three years old.
Joseph Sylvester Clark. A Historical Sketch of the Congregational Churches in Massachusetts. Congregational Board of Publication, 1858.
344 pp.
Page 120: "If Thomas Jefferson confessed himself indebted to the business meetings of a Baptist church in his neighborhood which he occasionally attended, for some of his best ideas of a democratic government, much more were John Adams and his New England compatriots beholden to their ecclesiastical surroundings for the republican tendencies of their politics."
Punchard's "View." "Advantages of Congregationalism." Vermont Chronicle, v. 15, n. 38, September 16, 1840, p. 1, columns 2-3. Note: "Several years before the American revolution, there was, near the house of Mr. Jefferson, in Virginia, a church which was governed on Congregational principles, and whose monthly meetings he often attended. Being asked, how he was pleased with the church government, he replied that it had struck him with great force, and interested him very much; that he considered it the only form of pure democracy that then existed in the world, and had concluded that it would be the best plan of government for the American colonies." See an able article on Congregationalism in Encyclopedia of Religious Knowledge.
William Goodell. "Answer to Mr. Adams." {John Quincy Adams). Published in The Liberator, July 12, 1839. Boston.
"If Thomas Jefferson doubted the superhuman origin of the Christian faith, he nevertheless did honor to its ethics. He acknowledged that he derived his first hint of a just government from the discipline of a Christian church, of the Baptist sect, in his neighborhood, whose polity was similar to that of the New England Puritans. It was by Thomas Jefferson, and in an atmosphere such as has been described, that the Declaration of Independence was written."
A Test of the religious principles of Mr. Jefferson: [Two lines from Washington]. Philadelphia: Printed by John Bioren, for Robert T. Rawle, no. 50, North 2d St., 1800. [i.e., Suffield, Conn.?: Printed by Edward Gray?, 1800] [2], ii, 10 pp.; 17 cm. (12mo).
William Linn, 1752-1808. Serious Considerations on the Election of a President: Addressed to the citizens of the United States. Trenton: Printed by Sherman, Mershon & Thomas, M,DCC. [1800]. 31, [1] pp.; 21 cm. (8vo)
Henry Stephens Randall. The Life of Thomas Jefferson, vol. 1 of 3. New York: Derby and Jackson, 1858. 678 pp. Preface and Chapter 12: 1787.
"We will attempt to show, by as satisfactory proof as the nature of the case admits of -- as nearly as a negative can ever be shown -- that Mr. Jefferson never, at any period of life, made himself an aggressive assailant of Christianity; that he never, in a solitary instance, sought directly or indirectly to proselyte a human being to unchristian views, or to shake his conviction in Christian ones. Looking at the naked facts now, it would seem a matter of astonishment that he could have been so misunderstood and misrepresented on this subject by a portion of his contemporaries, on the strength of evidence which, before a tribunal accustomed to pay any attention to sound and just rules of evidence, would fail to command serious notice. But if we look into the surrounding circumstances impartially -- with that spirit of liberality towards his opponents which it must be confessed they never showed to him, we believe some excuses can be found for the conduct of the great portion, and particularly the religious portion of them. We do not propose to deter this question -- the religious issue between the living Jefferson and his antagonists -- like the preceding one, to the conclusion of his history. The facts will be required to furnish contemporaneous explanations of several important circumstances in his public and private career. We shall probably enter upon their examination while narrating the events of the year 1800 -- when he was first publicly assaulted on this subject on an extensive and imposing scale."
Henry Stephens Randall. The Life of Thomas Jefferson, vol. 1 of 3. New York: Derby and Jackson, 1858. 678 pp. Chapter V: 1776. Drafting the Declaration of Independence.
Henry Stephens Randall. The Life of Thomas Jefferson, vol. 3 of 3. New York: Derby and Jackson, 1858. Chapter 14: 1826-1848. This chapter documents Jefferson's views on religion.
"Mr. Jefferson was a public professor of his belief in the Christian religion. In all his most important early State papers, much as his Summary View of the Rights of British America, his portion of the Declaration made by Congress on the Causes of taking up Arms, the Declaration of Independence, the draft of a Constitution for Virginia, etc., there are more or less pointed recognitions of God and Providence. In his two Inaugural Addresses as President of the United States, and in many of his annual messages he makes the same recognitions--clothes them on several occasions in the most explicit language--substantially avows the God of his faith to be the God of revelation--declares his belief in the efficacy of prayer, and the duty of ascription- of praise to the Author of all mercies--and speaks of the Christian religion as professed in his country as a benign religion, evincing the favor of Heaven.1
Had his wishes been consulted, the symbol borne on our national seal would have contained our public profession of Christianity as a nation.2
There is nothing in his writings or in the history of his life to show that his public declarations were insincere, or thrown out for mere effect.3 On the contrary, his most confidential writings sustain his public professions, and advance beyond them into the avowal of a belief in a future state of rewards and punishments.4
He contributed freely to the erection of Christian churches, gave money to Bible societies and other religious objects, and was a liberal and regular contributor to the support of the clergy. Letters of his are extant which show him urging, with respectful delicacy, the acceptance of extra and unsolicited contributions, on the pastor of his parish, on occasions of extra expense to the latter, such as the building of a house, the meeting of an ecclesiastical convention at Charlottesville, etc. In these letters he assumes that he is only performing a duty, and pleasantly compares it to the discharge of a special service, by a feudal inferior to his liege lord, on those extraordinary occasions when it was required by the feudal law.
He attended church with as much regularity as most of the members of the congregation--sometimes going alone on horseback, when his family remained at home. He generally attended the Episcopal Church, and when he did so, always carried his prayer-book,1 and joined in the responses and prayers of the congregation. He was baptized into the Episcopal Church in his infancy; he was married by one of its clergymen; his wife lived and died a member of it; his children were baptized into it, and when married were married according to its rites; its burial services were read over those of them who preceded him to the grave, over his wife, and finally over himself.
No person ever heard him utter a word of profanity, and those who met him most familiarly through periods of acquaintance extending from two or three to twenty or thirty years, declare that they never heard a word of impiety, or any scoff at religion, from his lips. Among his numerous familiar acquaintances, we have not found one whose testimony is different--or who entertained any doubts of the strict justice, sincerity, truthfulness, and exemplariness of his personal character.
***
1 The following passages are from his first Inaugural Address: . . . "enlightened by a benign religion, professed, indeed, and practised in various form, yet all of them including honesty, truth, temperance, gratitude, and the love of man: acknowledging and adoring an overruling Providence, which by all its dispensations proves that it delights in the happiness of man here and his greater happiness hereafter: with all these blessings, what more is necessary to make us a happy and prosperous people?
. . . And may that Infinite Power which rules the destinies of the universe lead our counsels to what is best, and give them a favorable issue for your peace and prosperity."
From his First Annual Message, December 8th, 1801:
"While we devoutly return thanks to the beneficent Being who has been pleased to breathe into them the spirit of conciliation and forgiveness, we are bound with peculiar gratitude to be thankful to him that our own peace has been preserved through so perilous a season, and ourselves permitted quietly to cultivate the earth, and to practise and improve those arts which tend to increase our comforts."
From his second Annual Message. December 15th, 1802:
"When we assemble together, fellow citizens, to consider the state of our beloved country, our just attentions are first drawn to those pleasing circumstances which mark the goodness of that Being from whose favor they flow, and the large measure of thankfulness we owe for his bounty. Another year has come around, and finds us still blessed with peace and friendship abroad; law, order, and religion, at home."
From his third Annual Message, October 17th, 1803:
"While we regret the miseries in which we see others involved, let us bow with gratitude to that kind Providence which, inspiring with wisdom and moderation our late legislative counsels while placed under the urgency of the greatest wrongs, guarded us from hastily entering into the sanguinary contest, and left us only to look on and to pity its ravages."
In his fourth Annual Message, (November 8th, 1804) transmitted to Congress near the time of the Presidential election--and while the Federalists were denouncing Mr. Jefferson as an atheist, a foe to the Christian religion, etc., we think no reference occurs to God or Christianity.
In his second inaugural address, March 4th, 1805, he said:
"I shall need, too, the favor of that Being in whose hands we are, who led our forefathers, as Israel of old, from their native land, and planted them in a country flowing with all the necessaries and comforts of life: who has covered our infancy with his providence, and our riper years with his wisdom and power: and to whose goodness I ask you to join with me in supplications, that he will so enlighten the minds of your servants, guide their councils, and prosper their measures, that whatsoever they do, shall result in your good, and shall secure you the peace, friendship and approbation of all nations."
It cannot be necessary to follow these quotations further.
2 See vol. 1, p. 192.
3 We find him once, like John Adams and Hamilton, advocating a fast day for popular effect--he in the Revolution, they in later partisan conflicts. This is all; nor does it in any way conflict with the declaration in the text.
4 This is implied in his letter to Dr. Benjamin Waterhouse, June 26th, 1822. And if the inference needed any support it will be found in the fact that while he repeatedly dissents from doctrines imputed to Christ, he nowhere in his writings dissents from this one, which he enumerates as a cardinal doctrine of the Saviour and as "tending to the happiness of man." The letter to Waterhouse will be found in Randolph's edition of his Works, vol. 1v. p. 349; in the congress edition, vol. vii, p. 252.
"Concerning the Difficulties of the Convention in Devising a Proper Form of Government From the Daily Advertiser." Friday, January 11, 1788. From The Federalist Papers by Alexander Hamilton, James Madison, John Jay, p. 278.
"Would it be wonderful if, under the pressure of all these difficulties, the convention should have been forced into some deviations from that artificial structure and regular symmetry which an abstract view of the subject might lead an ingenious theorist to bestow on a Constitution planned in his closet or in his imagination? The real wonder is that so many difficulties should have been surmounted, and surmounted with a unanimity almost as unprecedented as it must have been unexpected. It is impossible for any man of candor to reflect on this circumstance without partaking of the astonishment. It is
impossible for the man of pious reflection not to perceive in it a finger of that Almighty hand which has been so frequently and signally extended to our relief in the critical stages of the revolution."
Richard Peters, Counsellor at Law, editor. The Public Statutes at Large of the United States of America from the Organization of the Government in 1789, to March 3, 1845, Arranged in Chronological Order, withan Index to the Contents of Each Volume, and a Full General Index to the Whole Work, in the Concluding Volume. Volume 2 Extract. Twelfth Congress. Session I. June 17, 1812. Resolution requesting the President of the United States to Recommend a Day of Public Humiliation and Prayer. Boston: Charles C. Little and James Brown, 1845, p. 786.
"It being a duty peculiarly incumbent in a time of public calamity and war, humbly and devoutly to acknowledge our dependence on Almighty God, and to implore his aid and protection:
Therefore, Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That a joint committee of both Houses wait on the President of the United States, and request that he recommend a day of public humiliation and prayer to be observed by the people of the United States, with religious solemnity, and the offering of fervent supplications to Almighty God for the safety and welfare of these States, his blessing on their arms, and the speedy restoration of peace."
First Inaugural Address, Saturday, March 4, 1809.
"... But the source to which I look or the aids which alone can supply my deficiencies is in the well-tried intelligence and virtue of my fellow-citizens, and in the counsels of those representing them in the other departments associated in the care of the national interests. In these my confidence will under every difficulty be best placed, next to that which we have all been encouraged to feel in the guardianship and guidance of that Almighty Being whose power regulates the destiny of nations, whose blessings have been so conspicuously dispensed to this rising Republic, and to whom we are bound to address our devout gratitude for the past, as well as our fervent supplications and best hopes for the future."
Resolution and Proclamation for a Day of Public Humiliation and Prayer. Introduction by David Barton, who reports, "During the War of 1812, the House and Senate passed a resolution requesting that the President recommend a day of national public humiliation and prayer, which President James Madison did by proclamation on July 9, 1812."
Proclamation, July 9th, 1812.
Alternate source: James D. Richardson, editor. A Compilation of the Messages and Papers of the Presidents. Volume 1 of 11.
Part 4: James Madison, March 4, 1809 to March 4, 1817. Project Gutenberg.
[From Annals of Congress, Twelfth Congress, part 2, p. 2224.]
BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.
A PROCLAMATION.
Whereas the Congress of the United States, by a joint resolution of the two Houses, have signified a request that a day may be recommended to be observed by the people of the United States with religious solemnity as a day of public humiliation and prayer; and
Whereas such a recommendation will enable the several religious
denominations and societies so disposed to offer at one and the same time their common vows and adorations to Almighty God on the solemn occasion produced by the war in which He has been pleased to permit the injustice of a foreign power to involve these United States:
I do therefore recommend the third Thursday in August next as a
convenient day to be set apart for the devout purposes of rendering the Sovereign of the Universe and the Benefactor of Mankind the public homage due to His holy attributes; of acknowledging the transgressions which might justly provoke the manifestations of His divine displeasure; of seeking His merciful forgiveness and His assistance in the great duties of repentance and amendment, and especially of offering fervent supplications that in the present season of calamity and war He would take the American people under His peculiar care and protection; that He
would guide their public councils, animate their patriotism, and bestow His blessing on their arms; that He would inspire all nations with a love of justice and of concord and with a reverence for the unerring precept of our holy religion to do to others as they would require that others should do to them; and, finally, that, turning the hearts of our enemies from the violence and injustice which sway their councils against us, He would hasten a restoration of the blessings of peace.
[SEAL.]
Given at Washington, the 9th day of July, A.D. 1812.
JAMES MADISON.
Second Inaugural Address, Thursday, March 4, 1813.
"ABOUT to add the solemnity of an oath to the obligations imposed by a second call to the station in which my country heretofore placed me, I find in the presence of this respectable assembly an opportunity of publicly repeating my profound sense of so distinguished a confidence and of the responsibility united with it. The impressions on me are strengthened by such an evidence that my faithful endeavors to discharge my arduous duties have been favorably estimated, and by a consideration of the momentous period at which the trust has been renewed. From the weight and magnitude now belonging to it I should be compelled to shrink if I had less reliance on the support of an enlightened and generous people, and felt less deeply a conviction that the war with a powerful nation, which forms so prominent a feature in our situation, is stamped with that justice which invites the smiles of Heaven on the means of conducting it to a successful termination."
Proclamation, November 16, 1814.
Alternate source: James D. Richardson, editor. A Compilation of the Messages and Papers of the Presidents. Volume 1 of 11.
Part 4: James Madison, March 4, 1809 to March 4, 1817. Project Gutenberg.
BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES
A PROCLAMATION.
The two Houses of the National Legislature having by a joint resolution expressed their desire that in the present time of public calamity and war a day may be recommended to be observed by the people of the United States as a day of public humiliation and fasting and of prayer to Almighty God for the safety and welfare of these States, His blessing on their arms, and a speedy restoration of peace, I have deemed it proper by this proclamation to recommend that Thursday, the 12th of January next, be set apart as a day on which all may have an opportunity of voluntarily offering at the same time in their respective religious assemblies their humble adoration to the Great Sovereign of the Universe, of confessing their sins and transgressions, and of strengthening their vows of repentance and amendment. They will be invited by the same solemn occasion to call to mind the distinguished favors conferred on the American people in the general health which has been enjoyed, in the abundant fruits of the season, in the progress of the arts instrumental to their comfort, their prosperity, and their
security, and in the victories which have so powerfully contributed to the defense and protection of our country, a devout thankfulness for all which ought to be mingled with their supplications to the Beneficent Parent of the Human Race that He would be graciously pleased to pardon all their offenses against Him; to support and animate them in the discharge of their respective duties; to continue to them the precious advantages flowing from political institutions so auspicious to their
safety against dangers from abroad, to their tranquillity at home, and to their liberties, civil and religious; and that He would in a special manner preside over the nation in its public councils and constituted authorities, giving wisdom to its measures and success to its arms in maintaining its rights and in overcoming all hostile designs and attempts against it; and, finally, that by inspiring the enemy with dispositions favorable to a just and reasonable peace its blessings may be speedily and happily restored.
[SEAL.]
Given at the city of Washington, the 16th day of November, 1814, and of the Independence of the United States the thirty-eighth.
JAMES MADISON.
Proclamation, March 4, 1815.
Alternate source: James D. Richardson, editor. A Compilation of the Messages and Papers of the Presidents. Volume 1 of 11. Part 4: James Madison, March 4, 1809 to March 4, 1817. Project Gutenberg.
BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.
A PROCLAMATION.
The Senate and House of Representatives of the United States have by a joint resolution signified their desire that a day may be recommended to be observed by the people of the United States with religious solemnity as a day of thanksgiving and of devout acknowledgments to Almighty God for His great goodness manifested in restoring to them the blessing of peace.
No people ought to feel greater obligations to celebrate the goodness of the Great Disposer of Events and of the Destiny of Nations than the people of the United States. His kind providence originally conducted them to one of the best portions of the dwelling place allotted for the great family of the human race. He protected and cherished them under all the difficulties and trials to which they were exposed in their early days. Under His fostering care their habits, their sentiments, and their pursuits prepared them for a transition in due time to a state of independence and self-government. In the arduous struggle by which it was attained they were distinguished by multiplied tokens of His benign interposition. During the interval which succeeded He reared them into the strength and endowed them with the resources which have enabled them to assert their national rights and to enhance their national character in another arduous conflict, which is now so happily terminated by a peace and reconciliation with those who have been our enemies. And to
the same Divine Author of Every Good and Perfect Gift we are indebted for all those privileges and advantages, religious as well as civil, which are so richly enjoyed in this favored land.
It is for blessings such as these, and more especially for the
restoration of the blessing of peace, that I now recommend that the second Thursday in April next be set apart as a day on which the people of every religious denomination may in their solemn assemblies unite their hearts and their voices in a freewill offering to their Heavenly Benefactor of their homage of thanksgiving and of their songs of praise.
[SEAL.]
Given at the city of Washington on the 4th day of March, A.D. 1815, and of the Independence of the United States the thirty-ninth.
JAMES MADISON.
Fifth President of the United States. Read more about Monroe here, here and here.
WORKS
"First Inaugural Address" (March 4, 1817).
... From the commencement of our Revolution to the present day almost forty years have elapsed, and from the establishment of this Constitution twenty-eight. Through this whole term the Government has been what may emphatically be called self-government. And what has been the effect? To whatever object we turn our attention, whether it relates to our foreign or domestic concerns, we find abundant cause to felicitate ourselves in the excellence of our institutions. During a period fraught with difficulties and marked by very extraordinary events the United States have flourished beyond example. Their citizens individually have been happy and the nation prosperous.
Under this Constitution our commerce has been wisely regulated with foreign nations and between the States; new States have been admitted into our Union; our territory has been enlarged by fair and honorable treaty, and with great advantage to the original States; the States, respectively protected by the National Government under a mild, parental system against foreign dangers, and enjoying within their separate spheres, by a wise partition of power, a just proportion of the sovereignty, have improved their police, extended their settlements, and attained a strength and maturity which are the best proofs of wholesome laws well administered. And if we look to the condition of individuals what a proud spectacle does it exhibit! On whom has oppression fallen in any quarter of our Union? Who has been deprived of any right of person or property? Who restrained from offering his vows in the mode which he prefers to the Divine Author of his being? It is well known that all these blessings have been enjoyed in their fullest extent; and I add with peculiar satisfaction that there has been no example of a capital punishment being inflicted on anyone for the crime of high treason.
... Never did a government commence under auspices so favorable, nor ever was success so complete. If we look to the history of other nations, ancient or modern, we find no example of a growth so rapid, so gigantic, of a people so prosperous and happy. In contemplating what we have still to perform, the heart of every citizen must expand with joy when he reflects how near our Government has approached to perfection; that in respect to it we have no essential improvement to make; that the great object is to preserve it in the essential principles and features which characterize it, and that is to be done by preserving the virtue and enlightening the minds of the people; and as a security against foreign dangers to adopt such arrangements as are indispensable to the support of our independence, our rights and liberties. If we persevere in the career in which we have advanced so far and in the path already traced, we can not fail, under the favor of a gracious Providence, to attain the high destiny which seems to await us.
Relying on the aid to be derived from the other departments of the Government, I enter on the trust to which I have been called by the suffrages of my fellow-citizens with my fervent prayers to the Almighty that He will be graciously pleased to continue to us that protection which He has already so conspicuously displayed in our favor.
"First Annual Message to Congress" (1817).
Fellow Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:
At no period of our political existence had we so much cause to felicitate ourselves at the prosperous and happy condition of our country. The abundant fruits of the earth have filled it with plenty. An extensive and profitable commerce has greatly augmented our revenue. The public credit has attained an extraordinary elevation. Our preparations for defense in case of future wars, from which, by the experience of all nations, we ought not to expect to be exempted, are advancing under a well-digested system with all the dispatch which so important a work will admit. Our free Government, founded on the interest and affections of the people, has gained and is daily gaining strength. Local jealousies are rapidly yielding to more generous, enlarged, and enlightened views of national policy. For advantages so numerous and highly important it is our duty to unite in grateful acknowledgements to that Omnipotent Being from whom they are derived, and in unceasing prayer that He will endow us with virtue and strength to maintain and hand them down in their utmost purity to our latest posterity.
"The President's Tour." Maryland Gazette and Political Intelligencer, v. 75, n. 25. June 19, 1817.
Monroe: "Devoted to the principles of our government from my earliest youth, and satisfied that the great blessings which we enjoy, are under Divine Providence, imputable to that great cause, it will be the object of my constant and zealous efforts to give to those principles their best effect--should I, by these efforts, contribute in any degree to the happiness of my fellow citizens, I shall derive from it, the highest gratification of which my mind is susceptible." -- "Arrival of the President," June 12, 1817.
"Arrival of the President" (Pittsburgh, PA). Connecticut Courant, September 30, 1817. "On Sunday morning he attended the Episcopal Church and in the afternoon the Presbyterian meeting; and while this article is going to press (Monday) we understand that he will remain here this day for the purpose of visiting our manufactures and will leave this on Tuesday, for Brownsville, intending to return to the seat of government, by way of the U.S. turnpike."
"Second Annual Message to Congress" (November 16, 1818).
Fellow Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:
The auspicious circumstances under which you will commence the duties of the present session will lighten the burdens inseparable from the high trust committed to you. The fruits of the earth have been unusually abundant, commerce has flourished, the revenue has exceeded the most favorable anticipation, and peace and amity are preserved with foreign nations on conditions just and honorable to our country. For these inestimable blessings we can not but be grateful to that Providence which watches over the destiny of nations.
...When we view the great blessings with which our country has been favored, those which we now enjoy, and the means which we possess of handing them down unimpaired to our latest posterity, our attention is irresistibly drawn to the source from whence they flow. Let us, then, unite in offering our most grateful acknowledgments for these blessings to the Divine Author of All Good.
Waldo, Samuel Putnam. INAUGURATION, and INAUGURAL SPEECH. The Tour of James Monroe, President of the United States. Hartford, Conn., 1819. 346 pp. Extract.
Waldo, Samuel Putnam. Tour of New Jersey. The Tour of James Monroe, President of the United States. Hartford, Conn., 1819. 346 pp. Extract.
"Fourth Annual Message to Congress" (November 14, 1820).
... It is manifest that the pressures of which we complain have proceeded in a great measure from these causes. When, then, we take into view the prosperous and happy condition of our country in all the great circumstances which constitute the felicity of a nation - every individual in the full enjoyment of all his rights, the Union blessed with plenty and rapidly rising to greatness under a National Government which operates with complete effect in every part without being felt in any except by the ample protection which it affords, and under State governments which perform their equal share, according to a wise distribution of power between them, in promoting the public happiness - it is impossible to behold so gratifying, so glorious a spectacle without being penetrated with the most profound and grateful acknowledgments to the Supreme Author of All Good for such manifold and inestimable blessings.
Deeply impressed with these sentiments, I can not regard the pressures to which I have adverted otherwise than in the light of mild and instructive admonitions, warning us of dangers to be shunned in future, teaching us lessons of economy corresponding with the simplicity and purity of our institutions and best adapted to their support, evincing the connection and dependence which the various parts of our happy Union have on each other, thereby augmenting daily our social incorporation and adding by its strong ties new strength and vigor to the political; opening a wider range, and with new encouragement, to the industry and enterprise of our fellow citizens at home and abroad, and more especially by the multiplied proofs which it has accumulated of the great perfection of our most excellent system of Government, the powerful instrument in the hands of our All-merciful Creator in securing to us these blessings.
Happy as our situation is, it does not exempt us from solicitude and care for the future. On the contrary, as the blessings which we enjoy are great, proportionably great should be our vigilance, zeal, and activity to preserve them. Foreign wars may again expose us to new wrongs, which would impose on us new duties for which we ought to be prepared. The state of Europe is unsettled, and how long peace may be preserved is altogether uncertain; in addition to which we have interests of our own to adjust which will require particular attention. A correct view of our relations with each power will enable you to form a just idea of existing difficulties, and of the measures of precaution best adapted to them.
"Second Inaugural Address" (March 5, 1821).
... Having no pretensions to the high and commanding claims of my predecessors, whose names are so much more conspicuously identified with our Revolution, and who contributed so preeminently to promote its success, I consider myself rather as the instrument than the cause of the union which has prevailed in the late election. In surmounting, in favor of my humble pretensions, the difficulties which so often produce division in like occurrences, it is obvious that other powerful causes, indicating the great strength and stability of our Union, have essentially contributed to draw you together. That these powerful causes exist, and that they are permanent, is my fixed opinion; that they may produce a like accord in all questions touching, however remotely, the liberty, prosperity, and happiness of our country will always be the object of my most fervent prayers to the Supreme Author of All Good.
...Entering with these views the office which I have just solemnly sworn to execute with fidelity and to the utmost of my ability, I derive great satisfaction from a knowledge that I shall be assisted in the several Departments by the very enlightened and upright citizens from whom I have received so much aid in the preceding term. With full confidence in the continuance of that candor and generous indulgence from my fellow-citizens at large which I have heretofore experienced, and with a firm reliance on the protection of Almighty God, I shall forthwith commence the duties of the high trust to which you have called me.
"Fifth Annual Message to Congress" (December 3, 1821).
... Deeply impressed with the blessings which we enjoy, and of which we have such manifold proofs, my mind is irresistibly drawn to that Almighty Being, the great source from whence they proceed and to whom our most grateful acknowledgments are due.
James Monroe, President of the United States of America. The Providence Patriot (Rhode Island), February 23, 1822, p. 1. Announcing the Treaty of Peace and Amity between the United States of America and the Dey and Regency of Algiers, concluded at Algiers on December 22, 1821.
"ART XIV. "On a vessel or vessels of war belonging to the United States anchoring before the city of Algiers, the consul is to inform the Dey of her arrival, when she shall receive the salutes which are by treaty or custom given to the ships of war of the most favored nations on similar occasions, and which shall be returned gun for gun. And if, after such arrival so announced, any Christian whatever, captives in Algiers, make their escape, and take refuge on board any of the said ships of war, they shall not be required back again, nor shall the consul of the United States, or commender of the said ship, be required to pay any thing for the said Christians.
"ART XV. As the government of the United States has in itself no character of enmity against the laws, religion, or tranquility, of any nation, and as the said States have never entered into any voluntary war or act of hostility, except in defence of their just rights on the high seas, it is declared, by the contracting parties, that no retext arising from religious opinions shall ever produce an interruption of the harmony between the two nations; and the consuls and agents of both nations shall have liberty to celebrate the rites of their respective religions in their own houses."
"Eighth Annual Message to Congress" (December 7, 1824).
... Experience has already shewn that the difference of climate and of industry, proceeding from that cause, inseparable from such vast domains, and which under other systems might have a repulsive tendency, can not fail to produce with us under wise regulations the opposite effect. What one portion wants the other may supply; and this will be most sensibly felt by the parts most distant from each other, forming thereby a domestic market and an active intercourse between the extremes and throughout every portion of our Union.
Thus by a happy distribution of power between the National and State Governments, Governments which rest exclusively on the sovereignty of the people and are fully adequate to the great purposes for which they were respectively instituted, causes which might otherwise lead to dismemberment operate powerfully to draw us closer together.
In every other circumstance a correct view of the actual state of our Union must be equally gratifying to our constituents.
Our relations with foreign powers are of a friendly character, although certain interesting differences remain unsettled with some. Our revenue under the mild system of impost and tonnage continues to be adequate to all the purposes of the Government. Our agriculture, commerce, manufactures, and navigation flourish. Our fortifications are advancing in the degree authorized by existing appropriations to maturity, and due progress is made in the augmentation of the Navy to the limit prescribed for it by law. For these blessings we owe to Almighty God, from whom we derive them, and with profound reverence, our most grateful and unceasing acknowledgments.
I can not conclude this communication, the last of the kind which I shall have to make, without recollecting with great sensibility and heart felt gratitude the many instances of the public confidence and the generous support which I have received from my fellow citizens in the various trusts with which I have been honored. Having commenced my service in early youth, and continued it since with few and short intervals, I have witnessed the great difficulties to which our Union has been surmounted. From the present prosperous and happy state I derive a gratification which I can not express. That these blessings may be preserved and perpetuated will be the object of my fervent and unceasing prayers to the Supreme Ruler of the Universe.
Sixth President of the United States. Note: Bill Haymin, "Letters of John Quincy Adams to His Son." American Chronicle, January 12, 2008. "In his later years Adams was associated with the Unitarian Church, yet, Unitarianism at this time was much different than it is today. For one, it was firmly rooted in the Bible. Adams believed in the divine nature of the Holy Scriptures and the assertion that Christ was God. Unitarians were described in the Theological Dictionary of 1823 in these words:
"In common with other Christians, they confess that He [Jesus] is the Christ, the Son of the Living God; and in one word, they believe all that the writers of the New Testament, particularly the four Evangelists, have stated concerning him." Entry by Rev. Charles Buck, A Theological Dictionary Containing Definitions of All Religious Terms. Philadelphia: Edwin T. Scott, 1823, p. 582. See here for more about Adams's faith.
Read more about John Quincy Adams here, here and here.
Letters of John Quincy Adams to His Son on the Bible and Its Teachings. Auburn: James M. Alden, 1850. 128 pp.
"There are three points of doctrine the belief of which forms the foundation of all morality. The first is the existence of God; the second is the immortality of the human soul; and the third is a future state of rewards and punishments. Suppose it possible for a man to disbelieve either of these three articles of faith and that man will have no conscience, he will have no other law than that of the tiger or the shark. The laws of man may bind him in chains or may put him to death, but they never can make him wise, virtuous, or happy."
... "But, it is the God of the Hebrews alone, who is announced to us as the Creator of the world. The ideas of God entertained by all the most illustrious and most ingenious nations of antiquity were weak and absurd. The Persians worshipped the sun; the Egyptians believed in an innumerable multitude of gods, and worshipped not only oxen, crocodiles, dogs, and cats, but even garlics and onions. The Greeks invented a poetical religion, and adored men and women, virtues and vices, air, water, and fire, and everything that a vivid imagination could personify. Almost all the Greek philosophers reasoned and meditated upon the nature of the gods; but scarcely any of them reflected enough even to imagine that there was but one God, and not one of them ever conceived of him as the Creator of the world. Cicero has collected together all their opinions upon the nature of the gods, and pronounced them more like the dreams of madmen than the sober judgment of wise men. In the first book of Ovid's Metamorphoses, there is an account of the change of chaos in the world. Before the sea, and the earth, and the sky that surrounds all things (says Ovid), there was a thing called chaos, and some of the gods (he does not know which), separated from each other the elements of this chaos, and turned them into the world; thus far and no farther could human reason extend. But the first words of the Bible are, 'In the beginning God created the heavens and the earth.' The blessed and sublime idea of God, as the creator of the universe, the source of all human happiness for which all the sages and philosophers of Greece and Rome groped in darkness and never found, is recalled in the first verse of the book of Genesis. I call it the source of all human virtue and happiness; because when we have attained the conception of a Being, who by the mere act of his will, created the world, it would follow as an irresistible consequence--even if we were not told that the same Being must also be the governor of his own creation--that man, with all other things, was also created by him, and must hold his felicity and virtue on the condition of obedience to his will."
..."The law given from Sinai was a civil and municipal as well as a moral and religious code; it contained many statutes adapted to that time only, and to the particular circumstances of the nation to whom it was given; they could of course be binding upon them, and only upon them, until abrogated by the same authority which enacted them, as they afterward were by the Christian dispensation: but many others were of universal application -- laws essential to the existence of men in society, and most of which have been enacted by every nation which ever professed any code of laws."
... "But if you would remark the distinguishing characteristics between true and false religion, compare the manner in which the ten commandments were proclaimed by the voice of the Almighty God, from Mount Sinai, with thunder, and lightning, and earthquake, by the sound of the trumpet, and in the hearing of six thousand souls, with the studied secresy, and mystery, and mummery, with which the Delphic and other oracles of the Grecian gods were delivered. The miraculous interpositions of Divine power recorded in every part of the Bible, are invariably marked with grandeur and sublimity worthy of the Creator of the world, and before which the gods of Homer, not excepting his Jupiter, dwindle into the most contemptible pigmies; but on no occasion was the manifestation of the Deity so solemn, so awful, so calculated to make indelible impressions upon the imaginations and souls of the mortals to whom he revealed himself, as when he appeared in the character of their Lawgiver. The law thus dispensed was, however, imperfect; it was destined to be partly suspended and improved into absolute perfection many ages afterward by the appearance of Jesus Christ upon earth. But to judge of its excellence as a system of laws, it must be compared with human codes which existed or were promulgated at nearly the same age of the world in other nations. Remember, that the law was given 1,490 years before Christ was born, at the time the Assyrian and Egyptian monarchies existed: but of their government and laws we know scarcely anything save what is collected from the Bible. Of the Phrygian, Lydian, and Trojan states, at the same period, little more is known. The president Gorget, in a very elaborate and ingenious work on the origin of letters, arts, and sciences, among the ancient nations, says, that 'the maxims, the civil and political laws of these people, are absolutely unknown; that not even an idea of them can be formed, with the single exception of the Lyclians, of whom Herodotus asserts, that their laws were the same as the Greeks.' -- The same author contrasts the total darkness and oblivion into which all the institutions of these mighty empires have fallen, with the fulness and clearness and admirable composition of the Hebrew code, which has not only descended to us entire, but still continues the national code of the Jews (scattered as they are over the whole face of the earth), and enters so largely into the legislation of almost every civilized nation upon the globe. He observes that 'these laws have been prescribed by God himself: the merely human laws of other contemporary nations can not bear any comparison with them.'"
... "But my motive in forming the comparison, is to present to your reflections as a proof--and to my mind a very strong proof-- of the reality of their divine origin: for how is it that the whole system of government, and administration, the municipal, political, ecclesiastical, military, and moral laws and institutions, which bound in society the numberless myriads of human beings who formed for many successive ages the stupendous monarchies of Africa and Asia, should have perished entirely and been obliterated from the memory of mankind, while the laws of a paltry tribe of shepherds, characterized by Tacitus, and the sneeringinfidelity of Gibbon, as 'the most despised portion of their slaves,' should not only have survived the wreck of those empires, but remain to this day rules of faith and practice to every enlightened nation of the world, and perishable only with it? The reason is obvious: it is their intrinsic excellence which has preserved them from the destruction which befalls all the works of mortal man. The precepts of the decalogue alone (says Gorget), disclose more sublime truths, more maxims essentially suited to the happiness of man, than all the writings of profane antiquity put together can furnish. The more you meditate on the laws of Moses, the more striking and brighter does their wisdom appear."
An Oration pronounced July 4th, 1793: at the request of the inhabitants of the town of Boston in commemoration of the anniversary of American Independence. Boston, 1793. 19 pp.
"AMERICANS! Such is the nature of the institution which again calls your attention to celebrate the establishment of your national independence. And surely since the creation of the heavenly orb which separated the day from the night, amid the unnumbered events which have diversified the history of the human race, none has ever occurred more highly deserving of celebration by every species of ceremonial, that can testify a sense of gratitude to the DEITY, and of happiness, derived from his transcendent favours."
With Worthington Chauncey Ford. Writings of John Quincy Adams. 16 volumes. The Macmillan Company, 1913-1917. Volume 1 of 16.
Volume 2 of 16.
Volume 3 of 16.
Volume 4 of 16.
Volume 5 of 16.
Volume 6 of 16.
Volume 7 of 16.
Volume 7 of 16.
Volume 8 of 16.
Volume 9 of 16.
Volume 10 of 16.
Volume 11 of 16.
Volume 12 of 16.
Volume 13 of 16.
Volume 14 of 16.
Volume 15 of 16.
Volume 16 of 16. Extract from Volume 6, 1916. 508 pages. Original from the University of California.
"Now in the sermon upon the mount much is said about the kingdom of Heaven, and those who alone shall enter it. The preacher of that sermon announced himself as a being superior at least to human nature. If you say that he was a mere ordinary man, you include him also in the class of those who are not competent to dogmatize upon the system of the universe. You, or at least I,
can by no possible process of reasoning consider him as a
mere man, without at the same time pronouncing him an
Impostor. You ask me what Bible I take as the standard of my faith? the Hebrew, the Samaritan, the old English
translation, or what? I answer, the Bible containing the
sermon upon the mount? any Bible that I can read and
understand. The New Testament I have repeatedly read in the original Greek, in the Latin, in the Genevan protestant,
and in Sacy's Catholic French translations, in Luther's
German translation, in the common English protestant, and
in the Douay English Catholic (Jesuitical) translations. I
take any one of them for my standard of faith. If Socinus
or Priestley had made a fair translation of the Bible, I would have taken that, but without their comments. I would also
give up all the passages upon which any sound suspicion
of interpretation can be fastened. But the sermon upon the
mount commands me to lay up for myself treasures, not
upon earth, but in Heaven. My hopes of a future life are
all founded upon the Gospel of Christ, and I cannot cavil or
quibble away, not single words and ambiguous expressions,
but the whole tenor of his conduct, by which he sometimes
positively asserted, and at others countenanced his disciples
in asserting that he was God. You think it blasphemous
to believe that the omnipotent Creator could be
crucified. God is a spirit. The spirit was not crucified.
The body of Jesus of Nazareth was crucified. The Spirit
whether eternal or created was beyond the reach of the
cross. You see my orthodoxy grows upon me, and I still unite with you in the doctrine of toleration and benevolence." pp. 134-135.
An Oration, delivered at Plymouth, December 22, 1802: at the anniversary commemoration of the first landing of our ancestors, at that place. Boston, 1802. 29 pp.
"Another incident from which we may derive occasion for important reflections, was the attempt of these original settlers to establish among them that community of goods and of labor which fanciful politicians, from the days of Plato to those of Rousseau, have recommended as the fundamental law of a perfect republic. This theory results, it must be acknowledged, from principles of reasoning most flattering to the human character. If industry, frugality and disinterested integrity, were alike the virtues of all, there would apparently be more of the social spirit, in making all property a common stock, and giving to each individual a proportional title to the wealth of the whole. Such is the basis upon which Plato forbids in his republic the division of property. Such is the system upon which Rousseau pronounces the first man who enclosed a field with a fence and said this is mine, a traitor to the human species. A wiser and more useful philosophy however directs us to consider man, according to the nature in which he was formed; subject to infirmities, which no wisdom can remedy; to weaknesses which no institution can strengthen; to vices which no legistlation can correct. Hence it becomes obvious, that separate property is the natural and indisputable right of separate exertion--that community of goods without community of toil is oppressive and unjust; that it counteracts the laws of nature, which prescirbe, that he only who sows the seed shall reap the harvest: that it discourages all energy by destroying its rewards; and makes the most virtuous and active members of society, the slaves and drudges of the worst. Such was the issue of this experimeent among our forefathers, and the same event demonstrated the error of the system in the elder settlement of Virginia."
An Address delivered at the request of a committee of the citizens of Washington: on the occasion of reading the Declaration of Independence, on the Fourth of July, 1821. Washington, 1821. 30 pp. Also here.
"From the day of the Declaration, the people of the North American union, and of its constituent states, were associated bodies of civilized men and Christians, in a state of nature, but not of anarchy. They were bound by the laws of God, which they all, and by the laws of the Gospel, which they nearly all acknowledged as the rules of their conduct. They were bound by the principles which they themselves had proclaimed in the declaration. They were bound by all those tender and endearing sympathies, the absence of which, in the British government and nation, towards them, was the primary cause of the distressing conflict in which they had been precipitated by the headlong rashness and unfeeling insolence of their oppressors. They were bound by all the beneficent laws and institutions, which their forefathers had brought with them from their mother country, not as servitudes but as rights. They were bound by habits of hardy industry, by frugal and hospitable manners, by the general sentiments of social equality, by pure and virtuous morals; and lastly they were bound by the grappling-hooks of common suffering under the scourge of oppression."
"Inaugural Address" (March 4, 1825). In compliance with an usage coeval with the existence of our Federal Constitution, and sanctioned by the example of my predecessors in the career upon which I am about to enter, I appear, my fellow-citizens, in your presence and in that of Heaven to bind myself by the solemnities of religious obligation to the faithful performance of the duties allotted to me in the station to which I have been called.
Fellow-citizens, you are acquainted with the peculiar circumstances of the recent election, which have resulted in affording me the opportunity of addressing you at this time. You have heard the exposition of the principles which will direct me in the fulfillment of the high and solemn trust imposed upon me in this station. Less possessed of your confidence in advance than any of my predecessors, I am deeply conscious of the prospect that I shall stand more and oftener in need of your indulgence. Intentions upright and pure, a heart devoted to the welfare of our country, and the unceasing application of all the faculties allotted to me to her service are all the pledges that I can give for the faithful performance of the arduous duties I am to undertake. To the guidance of the legislative councils, to the assistance of the executive and subordinate departments, to the friendly cooperation of the respective State governments, to the candid and liberal support of the people so far as it may be deserved by honest industry and zeal, I shall look for whatever success may attend my public service; and knowing that "except the Lord keep the city the watchman waketh but in vain," with fervent supplications for His favor, to His overruling providence I commit with humble but fearless confidence my own fate and the future destinies of my country.
"First Annual Message to Congress" (December 6, 1825).
Fellow Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:
In taking a general survey of the concerns of our beloved country, with reference to subjects interesting to the common welfare, the first sentiment which impresses itself upon the mind is of gratitude to the Omnipotent Disposer of All Good for the continuance of the signal blessings of His providence, and especially for that health which to an unusual extent has prevailed within our borders, and for that abundance which in the vicissitudes of the seasons has been scattered with profusion over our land. Nor ought we less to ascribe to Him the glory that we are permitted to enjoy the bounties of His hand in peace and tranquillity -- in peace with all the other nations of the earth, in tranquillity among our selves. There has, indeed, rarely been a period in the history of civilized man in which the general condition of the Christian nations has been marked so extensively by peace and prosperity.
...The spirit of improvement is abroad upon the earth. It stimulates the hearts and sharpens the faculties not of our fellow citizens alone, but of the nations of Europe and of their rulers. While dwelling with pleasing satisfaction upon the superior excellence of our political institutions, let us not be unmindful that liberty is power; that the nation blessed with the largest portion of liberty must in proportion to its numbers be the most powerful nation upon earth, and that the tenure of power by man is, in the moral purposes of his Creator, upon condition that it shall be exercised to ends of beneficence, to improve the condition of himself and his fellow men.
While foreign nations less blessed with that freedom which is power than ourselves are advancing with gigantic strides in the career of public improvement, were we to slumber in indolence or fold up our arms and proclaim to the world that we are palsied by the will of our constituents, would it not be to cast away the bounties of Providence and doom ourselves to perpetual inferiority? In the course of the year now drawing to its close we have beheld, under the auspices and at the expense of one State of this Union, a new university unfolding its portals to the sons of science and holding up the torch of human improvement to eyes that seek the light. We have seen under the persevering and enlightened enterprise of another State the waters of our Western lakes mingle with those of the ocean. If undertakings like these have been accomplished in the compass of a few years by the authority of single members of our Confederation, can we, the representative authorities of the whole Union, fall behind our fellow servants in the exercise of the trust committed to us for the benefit of our common sovereign by the accomplishment of works important to the whole and to which neither the authority nor the resources of any one State can be adequate?
Finally, fellow citizens, I shall await with cheering hope and faithful cooperation the result of your deliberations, assured that, without encroaching upon the powers reserved to the authorities of the respective States or to the people, you will, with a due sense of your obligations to your country and of the high responsibilities weighing upon yourselves, give efficacy to the means committed to you for the common good. And may He who searches the hearts of the children of men prosper your exertions to secure the blessings of peace and promote the highest welfare of your country.
"Second Annual Message to Congress" (December 5, 1826).
Fellow Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:
The assemblage of the representatives of our Union in both Houses of the Congress at this time occurs under circumstances calling for the renewed homage of our grateful acknowledgments to the Giver of All Good. With the exceptions incidental to the most felicitous condition of human existence, we continue to be highly favored in all the elements which contribute to individual comfort and to national prosperity. In the survey of our extensive country we have generally to observe abodes of health and regions of plenty. In our civil and political relations we have peace without and tranquillity within our borders. We are, as a people, increasing with unabated rapidity in population, wealth, and national resources, and whatever differences of opinion exist among us with regard to the mode and the means by which we shall turn the beneficence of Heaven to the improvement of our own condition, there is yet a spirit animating us all which will not suffer the bounties of Providence to be showered upon us in vain, but will receive them with grateful hearts, and apply them with unwearied hands to the advancement of the general good.
...In closing this communication I trust that it will not be deemed inappropriate to the occasion and purposes upon which we are here assembled to indulge a momentary retrospect, combining in a single glance the period of our origin as a national confederation with that of our present existence, at the precise interval of half a century from each other. Since your last meeting at this place the 50th anniversary of the day when our independence was declared has been celebrated throughout our land, and on that day, while every heart was bounding with joy and every voice was tuned to gratulation, amid the blessings of freedom and independence which the sires of a former age had handed down to their children, two of the principal actors in that solemn scene -- the hand that penned the ever memorable Declaration and the voice that sustained it in debate -- were by one summons, at the distance of 700 miles from each other, called before the Judge of All to account for their deeds done upon earth. They departed cheered by the benedictions of their country, to whom they left the inheritance of their fame and the memory of their bright example.
If we turn our thoughts to the condition of their country, in the contrast of the first and last day of that half century, how resplendent and sublime is the transition from gloom to glory! Then, glancing through the same lapse of time, in the condition of the individuals we see the first day marked with the fullness and vigor of youth, in the pledge of their lives, their fortunes, and their sacred honor to the cause of freedom and of man-kind; and on the last, extended on the bed of death, with but sense and sensibility left to breathe a last aspiration to Heaven of blessing upon their country, may we not humbly hope that to them too it was a pledge of transition from gloom to glory, and that while their mortal vestments were sinking into the clod of the valley their emancipated spirits were ascending to the bosom of their God!
"Third Annual Message to Congress" (December 4, 1827).
Fellow Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:
A revolution of the seasons has nearly been completed since the representatives of the people and States of this Union were last assembled at this place to deliberate and to act upon the common important interests of their constituents. In that interval the never slumbering eye of a wise and beneficent Providence has continued its guardian care over the welfare of our beloved country; the blessing of health has continued generally to prevail throughout the land; the blessing of peace with our brethren of the human race has been enjoyed without interruption; internal quiet has left our fellow citizens in the full enjoyment of all their rights and in the free exercise of all their faculties, to pursue the impulse of their nature and the obligation of their duty in the improvement of their own condition; the productions of the soil, the exchanges of commerce, the vivifying labors of human industry, have combined to mingle in our cup a portion of enjoyment as large and liberal as the indulgence of Heaven has perhaps ever granted to the imperfect state of man upon earth; and as the purest of human felicity consists in its participation with others, it is no small addition to the sum of our national happiness at this time that peace and prosperity prevail to a degree seldom experienced over the whole habitable globe, presenting, though as yet with painful exceptions, a foretaste of that blessed period of promise when the lion shall lie down with the lamb and wars shall be no more.
"Fourth Annual Message to Congress" (December 2, 1828).
Fellow Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:
If the enjoyment in profusion of the bounties of Providence forms a suitable subject of mutual gratulation and grateful acknowledgment, we are admonished at this return of the season when the representatives of the nation are assembled to deliberate upon their concerns to offer up the tribute of fervent and grateful hearts for the never failing mercies of Him who ruleth over all. He has again favored us with healthful seasons and abundant harvests; He has sustained us in peace with foreign countries and in tranquillity within our borders; He has preserved us in the quiet and undisturbed possession of civil and religious liberty; He has crowned the year with His goodness, imposing on us no other condition than of improving for our own happiness the blessings bestowed by His hands, and, in the fruition of all His favors, of devoting his faculties with which we have been endowed by Him to His glory and to our own temporal and eternal welfare.
"Unsigned essays dealing with the Russo-Turkish War, and on Greece: Christianity -- Islamism". Originally published in The American Annual Register for 1827-28-29 (New York, 1830), Chapters X-XIV: 267-402. Reprinted in The United States Democratic Review, Volume 36, No. 5 (November, 1855), pp. 375-380.
"In the seventh century of the Christian era, a wandering Arab of the lineage of Hagar, the Egyptian, combining the powers of transcendent genius, with the preternatural energy of a fanatic, and the fraudulent spirit of an impostor, proclaimed himself as a messenger from Heaven, and spread desolation and delusion over an extensive portion of the earth. Adopting from the sublime conception of the Mosaic law, the doctrine of one omnipotent God; he connected indissolubly with it, the audacious falsehood, that he was himself his prophet and apostle. Adopting from the new Revelation of Jesus, the faith and hope of immortal life, and of future retribution, he humbled it to the dust by adapting all the rewards and sanctions of his religion to the gratification of the sexual passion. He poisoned the sources of human felicity at the fountain, by degrading the condition of the female sex, and the allowance of polygamy; and he declared undistinguishing and exterminating war, as a part of his religion, against all the rest of mankind. THE ESSENCE OF HIS DOCTRINE WAS VIOLENCE AND LUST: TO EXALT THE BRUTAL OVER THE SPIRITUAL PART OF HUMAN NATURE."
An Oration Addressed to the citizens of the town of Quincy, on the Fourth of July, 1831, the fifty-fifth anniversary of the Independence of the United States of America. Boston, 1831. 39 pp. Also here and here.
"The Declaration of Independence was a manifesto issued to the world, by the delegates of thirteen distinct, but united colonies of Great Britain, in the name and behalf of their people. It was a united declaration. Their union preceded their independence; nor was their independence, nor has it ever since, been separable from their union. Their language is, 'We the Representatives of the United States of America, in General Congress assembled, do, in the name and by the authority of the good PEOPLE of these Colonies, solemnly publish and declare that these United Colonies, are, and of right ought to be, free and independent States.' It was the act of one people. The Colonies are not named; their number is not designated; nor in the original Declaration, does it appear from which of the Colonies any one of the fifty-six Delegates by whom it was signed, had been deputed. They announced their constituents to the world as one people, and unitedly declared the Colonies to which they respectively belonged, united, free and independent states. The Declaration of Independence, therefore, was a proclamation to the world, not merely that the United Colonies had ceased to be dependencies of Great Britain, but that their people had bound themselves, before God, to a primitive social compact of union, freedom and independence.
... "In the history of the world, this was the first example of a self-constituted nation proclaiming to the rest of mankind the principles upon which it was associated, and deriving those principles from the laws of nature. It has sometimes been objected to the paper, that it deals too much in abstractions. But this was its characteristic excellence; for upon those abstractions hinged the justice of the cause. Without them, our revolution would have been but successful rebellion. Right, truth, justice, are all abstractions. The Divinity that stirs within the soul of man is abstraction. The Creator of the universe is a spirit, and all spiritual nature is abstraction. Happy would it be, could we answer with equal confidence another objection, not to the Declaration, but to the consistency of the people by whom it was proclaimed! Thrice happy, could the appeal to the Supreme Judge of the World for rectitude of intention, and with firm reliance on the protection of Divine Providence for support, have been accompanied with an appeal equally bold to our own social institutions to illustrate the self-evident truths which we declared!"
... "The Declaration of Independence was not a declaration of liberty newly acquired, nor was it a form of government. The people of the Colonies were already free, and their forms of government were various. They were all Colonies of a monarchy. The king of Great Britain was their common sove- reign. Their internal administrations presented great varieties of form. The proprietary governments were hereditary monarchies in miniature. New York and Virginia were feudal aristocracies. Massachusetts Bay was an approximation to the complex government of the parent state. Connecticut and Rhode Island were little remote from democracies. But as in the course of our recent war with Great Britain, her gallant naval warriors made the discovery that the frigates of the United States were line of battle ships in disguise, so the ministers of George III., when they brought their king and country into collision with these transatlantic dependencies, soon found to their astonishment, that the United American Colonies were republics in disguise. The spirit of the people, throughout the Union, was republican; and the absurdity of a foreign and a royal head to societies of men thus constituted, had remained unperceived, only because until then that head had been seldom brought into action.
"The Declaration of Independence announced the severance of the thirteen United Colonies from the rest of the British Empire, and the existence of their people from that day forth as an independent nation. The people of all the Colonies, speaking by their representatives, constituted themselves one moral person before the face of their fellow men.
"The Declaration of Independence was the crown with which the people of United America, rising in gigantic stature as one man, encircled their brows, and there it remains; there, so long as this globe shall be inhabited by human beings, may it remain, a crown of imperishable glory!
"The Declaration of Independence asserted the rights, and acknowledged the obligations of an independent nation. It recognised the laws of nations, as they were observed and practised among Christian communities."
An Oration delivered before the inhabitants of the town of Newburyport, at their request, on the sixty-first anniversary of the Declaration of Independence. Newburyport, Mass., 1837. 68 pp. Also hereand here. "Why is it that, next to the birthday of the Savior of the world, your most joyous and most venerated festival returns on this day [the Fourth of July]? Is it not that, in the chain of human events, the birthday of the nation is indissolubly linked with the birthday of the Savior? That it forms a leading event in the progress of the Gospel dispensation? Is it not that the Declaration of Independence first organized the social compact on the foundation of the Redeemer's mission upon earth? That it laid the cornerstone of human government upon the first precepts of Christianity??
The Jubilee of the Constitution: a discourse delivered at the request of the New York historical society. New York, 1839. 135 pp.
The motive for the Declaration of Independence was on its face avowed to be "a decent respect for the opinions of mankind." Its purpose to declare the causes which impelled the people of the English colonies on the continent of North America, to separate themselves from the political community of the British-nation. They declare only the causes of their separation, but they announce at the same time their assumption of the separate and equal station to which the laws of nature and of nature's God entitle them, among the powers of the earth.
Thus their first movement is to recognise and appeal to the laws of nature and to nature's God, for their right to assume the attributes of sovereign power as an independent nation.
The causes of their necessary separation, for they begin and end by declaring it necessary, alleged in the Declaration, are all founded on the same laws of nature and of nature's God -- and hence as preliminary to the enumeration of the causes of separation, they set forth as self-evident truths, the rights of individual man, by the laws of nature and of nature's God, to life, to liberty, to the pursuit of happiness. That all men are created equal. That to secure the rights of life, liberty and the pursuits of happiness, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed. All this, is by the laws of nature and of nature's God, and of course presupposes the existence of a God, the moral ruler of the universe, and a rule of right and wrong, of just and unjust, binding upon man, preceding all institutions of human society and of government. It avers, also, that governments are instituted to secure these rights of nature and of nature's God, and that whenever any form of government becomes destructive of those ends, it is the right of THE PEOPLE to alter, or to abolish it, and to institute a new government -- to throw off a government degenerating into despotism, and to provide new guards for their future security. They proceed then to say that such was then the situation of the Colonies, and such the necessity which constrained them to alter their former systems of government.
Then follows the enumeration of the acts of tyranny by which the king, parliament, and people of Great Britain, had perverted the powers to the destruction of the ends of government, over the Colonies, and the consequent necessity constraining the Colonies to the separation.
Tn conclusion, the Representatives of the United States of America, in general Congress assembled, appealing to the Supreme judge of the world for the rectitude of their intentions, do, in the name and by the authority of the good people of these Colonies, solemnly publish and declare that these United Colonies, are, and of right ought to be, free and independent States; that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British crown; and that all political connexion between them and the state of Great Britain, is, and ought to be totally dissolved; and that as free and independent States, they have full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, and to do all other acts and things which independent States may of right do. The appeal to the Supreme Judge of the world, and the rule of right and wrong as paramount events to the power of independent States, are here again repeated in the very act of constituting a new sovereign community."
... "Now the virtue which had been infused into the Constitution of the United States, and was to give to its vital existence the stability and duration to which it was destined, was no other than the concretion of those abstract principles which had been first proclaimed in the Declaration of Independence -- namely, the self-evident truths of the natural and unalienable rights of man, of the indefeasible constituent and dissolvent sovereignty of the people, always subordinate to a rule of right and wrong, and always responsible to the Supreme Ruler of the universe for the rightful exercise of that sovereign, constituent, and dissolvent power.
"This was the platform upon which the Constitution of the United States had been erected. Its VIRTUES, its republican character, consisted in its conformity to the principles proclaimed in the Declaration of Independence, and as its administration must necessarily be always pliable to the fluctuating varieties of public opinion; its stability and duration by a like overruling and irresistible necessity, was to depend upon the stability and duration in the hearts and minds of the people of that virtue, or in other words, of those principles, proclaimed in the Declaration of Independence, and embodied in the Constitution of the United States."
The Social Compact: exemplified in the Constitution of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts: with remarks on the theories of divine right of Hobbes and of Filmer, and the counter theories of Sidney, Locke, Montesquieu, and Rousseau, concerning the origin and nature of government. Providence, 1842. 31 pp.
"The principles of Sidney and of Locke, constitute the foundation of the North American Declaration of Independence, and together with the subsequent writings of Montesquieu and Rousseau, that
of the Constitution of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts,
and of the Constitution of the United States."
... "The philosophical examination of the foundations of civil society, of human governments, and of the rights and duties of men, is among the consequences of the Protestant Reformation. Under the hierarchy of the church of Rome, human government was of divine institution. The powers that be, were ordained of God; and the monarch, at the head of the nation, was the Lord's anointed. The principle of the Protestant Reformation was, to deny, not that human government was of divine institution, but that implicit belief and obedience was due to the commandments of men."
The New England confederacy of MDCXLIII: a discourse delivered before the society, on the twenty-ninth of May, 1843: in celebration of the Second Centennial Anniversary of that Event. Boston: Charles C. Little and James Brown, 1843. 48 pp.
"The primary cause then of the various settlements of
New England was religion. It was not the search for gold -- It was not the pursuit of wealth -- It was not the
spirit of adventure -- It was not the martial spirit of conquest,
which animated our English forefathers to plant
themselves here in a desert and barren wilderness, to lay
the foundations of the mightiest empire that the world
ever saw. It was religion. It was the Christian religion,
purified and refined from its corruptions, by the
fires of persecution. The first colonists were indeed of
that class of emigrants from their native land, driven
away by oppression; but in the settlements of Plymouth
and of Massachusetts, the stern and severe impulses of
religion were tempered by the tenderest and most attractive
sympathies of English patriotism. The Plymouth
colonists had been fugitives from the north of England,
who from time to time had escaped by crossing the North
Sea to Holland, in numbers sufficient to form an English
church at Leyden. They had fled from tbeir country
for the enjoyment of religious liberty in peace. But
with that religion was inseparably connected the code of
Christian morals in its simplicity and in its purity -- a
code above all others resting upon the fundamental principle
of the natural equality of mankind."
William H. Seward. Life and public services of John Quincy Adams, sixth president of the United States. With the eulogy delivered before the Legislature of New York. Auburn [N.Y.] Derby, Miller and Company, 1849 edition.
"The hope of a Christian is inseparable from his faith. Whoever believes in the Divine inspiration of the Holy Scriptures must hope that the religion of Jesus shall prevail throughout the earth. Never since the foundation of the world have the prospects of mankind been more encouraging to that hope than they appear to be at the present time. And may the associated distribution of the Bible proceed and prosper till the Lord shall have made 'bare His holy arm in the eyes of all the nations, and all the ends of the earth shall see the salvation of our God' [Isaiah 52:10]." p. 248
Seventh President of the United States. Read more about Andrew Jackson here and here.
WORKS
"First Inaugural Address" (March 4, 1829).
...As long as our Government is administered for the good of the people, and is regulated by their will; as long as it secures to us the rights of person and of property, liberty of conscience and of the press, it will be worth defending; and so long as it is worth defending a patriotic militia will cover it with an impenetrable aegis.
...A diffidence, perhaps too just, in my own qualifications will teach me to look with reverence to the examples of public virtue left by my illustrious predecessors, and with veneration to the lights that flow from the mind that founded and the mind that reformed our system. The same diffidence induces me to hope for instruction and aid from the coordinate branches of the Government, and for the indulgence and support of my fellow-citizens generally. And a firm reliance on the goodness of that Power whose providence mercifully protected our national infancy, and has since upheld our liberties in various vicissitudes, encourages me to offer up my ardent supplications that He will continue to make our beloved country the object of His divine care and gracious benediction.
"Second Annual Message to Congress" (December 6, 1830).
Fellow Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives:
The pleasure I have in congratulating you upon your return to your constitutional duties is much heightened by the satisfaction which the condition of our beloved country at this period justly inspires. The beneficent Author of All Good has granted to us during the present year health, peace, and plenty, and numerous causes for joy in the wonderful success which attends the progress of our free institutions.
With a population unparalleled in its increase, and possessing a character which combines the hardihood of enterprise with the considerateness of wisdom, we see in every section of our happy country a steady improvement in the means of social intercourse, and correspondent effects upon the genius and laws of our extended Republic.
... In conclusion, fellow citizens, allow me to invoke in behalf of your deliberations that spirit of conciliation and disinterestedness which is the gift of patriotism. Under an over-ruling and merciful Providence the agency of this spirit has thus far been signalized in the prosperity and glory of our beloved country. May its influence be eternal.
"Farewell Address" (March 4, 1837).
But you must remember, my fellow-citizens, that eternal vigilance by the people is the price of liberty, and that you must pay the price if you wish to secure the blessing. It behooves you, therefore, to be watchful in your States as well as in the Federal Government.
... While I am thus endeavoring to press upon your attention the principles which I deem of vital importance in the domestic concerns of the country, I ought not to pass over without notice the important considerations which should govern your policy toward foreign powers. It is unquestionably our true interest to cultivate the most friendly understanding with every nation and to avoid by every honorable means the calamities of war, and we shall best attain this object by frankness and sincerity in our foreign intercourse, by the prompt and faithful execution of treaties, and by justice and impartiality in our conduct to all. But no nation, however desirous of peace, can hope to escape occasional collisions with other powers, and the soundest dictates of policy require that we should place ourselves in a condition to assert our rights if a resort to force should ever become necessary. Our local situation, our long line of seacoast, indented by numerous bays, with deep rivers opening into the interior, as well as our extended and still increasing commerce, point to the Navy as our natural means of defense. It will in the end be found to be the cheapest and most effectual, and now is the time, in a season of peace and with an overflowing revenue, that we can year after year add to its strength without increasing the burdens of the people. It is your true policy, for your Navy will not only protect your rich and flourishing commerce in distant seas, but will enable you to reach and annoy the enemy and will give to defense its greatest efficiency by meeting danger at a distance from home. It is impossible by any line of fortifications to guard every point from attack against a hostile force advancing from the ocean and selecting its object, but they are indispensable to protect cities from bombardment, dockyards and naval arsenals from destruction, to give shelter to merchant vessels in time of war and to single ships or weaker squadrons when pressed by superior force. Fortifications of this description can not be too soon completed and armed and placed in a condition of the most perfect preparation. The abundant means we now possess can not be applied in any manner more useful to the country, and when this is done and our naval force sufficiently strengthened and our militia armed we need not fear that any nation will wantonly insult us or needlessly provoke hostilities. We shall more certainly preserve peace when it is well understood that we are prepared for War.
In presenting to you, my fellow-citizens, these parting counsels, I have brought before you the leading principles upon which I endeavored to administer the Government in the high office with which you twice honored me. Knowing that the path of freedom is continually beset by enemies who often assume the disguise of friends, I have devoted the last hours of my public life to warn you of the dangers. The progress of the United States under our free and happy institutions has surpassed the most sanguine hopes of the founders of the Republic. Our growth has been rapid beyond all former example in numbers, in wealth, in knowledge, and all the useful arts which contribute to the comforts and convenience of man, and from the earliest ages of history to the present day there never have been thirteen millions of people associated in one political body who enjoyed so much freedom and happiness as the people of these United States. You have no longer any cause to fear danger from abroad; your strength and power are well known throughout the civilized world, as well as the high and gallant bearing of your sons. It is from within, among yourselves--from cupidity, from corruption, from disappointed ambition and inordinate thirst for power--that factions will be formed and liberty endangered. It is against such designs, whatever disguise the actors may assume, that you have especially to guard yourselves. You have the highest of human trusts committed to your care. Providence has showered on this favored land blessings without number, and has chosen you as the guardians of freedom, to preserve it for the benefit of the human race. May He who holds in His hands the destinies of nations make you worthy of the favors He has bestowed and enable you, with pure hearts and pure hands and sleepless vigilance, to guard and defend to the end of time the great charge He has committed to your keeping.
My own race is nearly run; advanced age and failing health warn me that before long I must pass beyond the reach of human events and cease to feet the vicissitudes of human affairs. I thank God that my life has been spent in a land of liberty and that He has given me a heart to love my country with the affection of a son. And filled with gratitude for your constant and unwavering kindness, I bid you a last and affectionate farewell.
Bassett, John Spencer,; 1867-1928, ed.
Matteson, David Maydole,; 1871-1949. Correspondence of Andrew Jackson. Washington, D.C., Carnegie institution of Washington, 1926-1935.
Volume 1 of 7. v. 1. to April 30, 1814.
Volume 2 of 7. May 1, 1814, to December 31, 1819.
Volume 3 of 7. 1820-1828.
Volume 4 of 7. 1829-1832. "It is the province of the pulpits and the State Governments to recommend the mode by which the people may best attest their reliance on the protecting arm of the Almighty in times of great public distress." Volume 5 of 7. 1833-1838.
Volume 6 of 7. 1839-1845.
Volume 7 of 7. General index, by D.M. Matteson.
Samuel Gordon Heiskell, John Sevier. Andrew Jackson and Early Tennessee History. 2nd Edition. Ambrose Printing Co., 1920. Andrew Jackson to Dr. Ely. Extract from a letter dated at the Hermitage, July 12, 1827:
"Having been educated and brought up under the discipline of the Presbyterian rule (my mother being a member of that church) I have always had a preference for it. Amongst the greatest blessings secured to us under our Constitution, is the liberty of worshiping God as our conscience dictates. All true Christians love each other and while here below ought to harmonize; for all must unite in the realms above. I have thought one evidence of true religion is, when all those who believe in the atonement of our crucified Saviour are found in harmony and friendship together."--p. 406.
Eighth President of the United States. Read more about Van Buren here.
WORKS
"Inaugural Address" (March 4, 1837).
... So sensibly, fellow-citizens, do these circumstances press themselves upon me that I should not dare to enter upon my path of duty did I not look for the generous aid of those who will be associated with me in the various and coordinate branches of the Government; did I not repose with unwavering reliance on the patriotism, the intelligence, and the kindness of a people who never yet deserted a public servant honestly laboring their cause; and, above all, did I not permit myself humbly to hope for the sustaining support of an ever-watchful and beneficent Providence.
... In receiving from the people the sacred trust twice confided to my illustrious predecessor, and which he has discharged so faithfully and so well, I know that I can not expect to perform the arduous task with equal ability and success. But united as I have been in his counsels, a daily witness of his exclusive and unsurpassed devotion to his country's welfare, agreeing with him in sentiments which his countrymen have warmly supported, and permitted to partake largely of his confidence, I may hope that somewhat of the same cheering approbation will be found to attend upon my path. For him I but express with my own the wishes of all, that he may yet long live to enjoy the brilliant evening of his well-spent life; and for myself, conscious of but one desire, faithfully to serve my country, I throw myself without fear on its justice and its kindness. Beyond that I only look to the gracious protection of the Divine Being whose strengthening support I humbly solicit, and whom I fervently pray to look down upon us all. May it be among the dispensations of His providence to bless our beloved country with honors and with length of days. May her ways be ways of pleasantness and all her paths be peace!
"First Annual Message to Congress" (December 5, 1837).
Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives:
We have reason to renew the expression of our devout gratitude to the Giver of All Good for His benign protection. Our country presents on every side the evidences of that continued favor under whose auspices it, has gradually risen from a few feeble and dependent colonies to a prosperous and powerful confederacy. We are blessed with domestic tranquillity and all the elements of national prosperity.
"Second Annual Message to Congress" (December 3, 1838).
Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives:
I congratulate you on the favorable circumstances in the condition of our country under which you reassemble for the performance of your official duties. Though the anticipations of an abundant harvest have not everywhere been realized, yet on the whole the labors of the husbandman are rewarded with a bountiful return; industry prospers in its various channels of business and enterprise; general health again prevails through our vast diversity of climate; nothing threatens from abroad the continuance of external peace; nor has anything at home impaired the strength of those fraternal and domestic ties which constitute the only guaranty to the success and permanency of our happy Union, and which, formed in the hour of peril, have hitherto been honorably sustained through every vicissitude in our national affairs. These blessings, which evince the care and beneficence of Providence, call for our devout and fervent gratitude.
We have not less reason to be grateful for other bounties bestowed by the same munificent hand, and more exclusively our own.
"Third Annual Message to Congress" (December 2, 1839).
Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives:
I regret that I can not on this occasion congratulate you that the past year has been one of unalloyed prosperity. The ravages of fire and disease have painfully afflicted otherwise flourishing portions of our country, and serious embarrassments yet derange the trade of many of our cities. But notwithstanding these adverse circumstances, that general prosperity which has been heretofore so bountifully bestowed upon us by the Author of All Good still continues to call for our warmest gratitude. Especially have we reason to rejoice in the exuberant harvests which have lavishly recompensed well-directed industry and given to it that sure reward which is vainly sought in visionary speculations. I cannot, indeed, view without peculiar satisfaction the evidences afforded by the past season of the benefits that spring from the steady devotion of the husbandman to his honorable pursuit. No means of individual comfort is more certain and no source of national prosperity is so sure. Nothing can compensate a people for a dependence upon others for the bread they eat, and that cheerful abundance on which the happiness of everyone so much depends is to be looked for nowhere with such sure reliance as in the industry of the agriculturist and the bounties of the earth.
"Fourth Annual Message to Congress" (December 5, 1840).
Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives:
Our devout gratitude is due to the Supreme Being for having graciously continued to our beloved country through the vicissitudes of another year the invaluable blessings of health, plenty, and peace. Seldom has this favored land been so generally exempted from the ravages of disease or the labor of the husbandman more amply rewarded, and never before have our relations with other countries been placed on a more favorable basis than that which they so happily occupy at this critical conjuncture in the affairs of the world.
Harrison, William Henry
(1773-1841)
Ninth President of the United States. Read more about William Henry Harrison here, here, and here.
"... We admit of no government by divine right, believing that so far as power is concerned the Beneficent Creator has made no distinction amongst men; that all are upon an equality, and that the only legitimate right to govern is an express grant of power from the governed. The Constitution of the United States is the instrument containing this grant of power to the several departments composing the Government. On an examination of that instrument it will be found to contain declarations of power granted and of power withheld. The latter is also susceptible of division into power which the majority had the right to grant, but which they do not think proper to intrust to their agents, and that which they could not have granted, not being possessed by themselves. In other words, there are certain rights possessed by each individual American citizen which in his compact with the others he has never surrendered. Some of them, indeed, he is unable to surrender, being, in the language of our system, unalienable. The boasted privilege of a Roman citizen was to him a shield only against a petty provincial ruler, whilst the proud democrat of Athens would console himself under a sentence of death for a supposed violation of the national faith--which no one understood and which at times was the subject of the mockery of all--or the banishment from his home, his family, and his country with or without an alleged cause, that it was the act not of a single tyrant or hated aristocracy, but of his assembled countrymen. Far different is the power of our sovereignty. It can interfere with no one's faith, prescribe forms of worship for no one's observance, inflict no punishment but after well-ascertained guilt, the result of investigation under rules prescribed by the Constitution itself. These precious privileges, and those scarcely less important of giving expression to his thoughts and opinions, either by writing or speaking, unrestrained but by the liability for injury to others, and that of a full participation in all the advantages which flow from the Government, the acknowledged property of all, the American citizen derives from no charter granted by his fellow-man. He claims them because he is himself a man, fashioned by the same Almighty hand as the rest of his species and entitled to a full share of the blessings with which He has endowed them. Notwithstanding the limited sovereignty possessed by the people of the United Stages and the restricted grant of power to the Government which they have adopted, enough has been given to accomplish all the objects for which it was created. It has been found powerful in war, and hitherto justice has been administered, and intimate union effected, domestic tranquillity preserved, and personal liberty secured to the citizen. As was to be expected, however, from the defect of language and the necessarily sententious manner in which the Constitution is written, disputes have arisen as to the amount of power which it has actually granted or was intended to grant.
"Unpleasant and even dangerous as collisions may sometimes be between the constituted authorities of the citizens of our country in relation to the lines which separate their respective jurisdictions, the results can be of no vital injury to our institutions if that ardent patriotism, that devoted attachment to liberty, that spirit of moderation and forbearance for which our countrymen were once distinguished, continue to be cherished. If this continues to be the ruling passion of our souls, the weaker feeling of the mistaken enthusiast will be corrected, the Utopian dreams of the scheming politician dissipated, and the complicated intrigues of the demagogue rendered harmless. The spirit of liberty is the sovereign balm for every injury which our institutions may receive. On the contrary, no care that can be used in the construction of our Government, no division of powers, no distribution of checks in its several departments, will prove effectual to keep us a free people if this spirit is suffered to decay; and decay it will without constant nurture. To the neglect of this duty the best historians agree in attributing the ruin of all the republics with whose existence and fall their writings have made us acquainted. The same causes will ever produce the same effects, and as long as the love of power is a dominant passion of the human bosom, and as long as the understandings of men can be warped and their affections changed by operations upon their passions and prejudices, so long will the liberties of a people depend on their own constant attention to its preservation. The danger to all well-established free governments arises from the unwillingness of the people to believe in its existence or from the influence of designing men diverting their attention from the quarter whence it approaches to a source from which it can never come. This is the old trick of those who would usurp the government of their country. In the name of democracy they speak, warning the people against the influence of wealth and the danger of aristocracy. History, ancient and modern, is full of such examples. Caesar became the master of the Roman people and the senate under the pretense of supporting the democratic claims of the former against the aristocracy of the latter; Cromwell, in the character of protector of the liberties of the people, became the dictator of England, and Bolivar possessed himself of unlimited power with the title of his country's liberator. There is, on the contrary, no instance on record of an extensive and well- established republic being changed into an aristocracy. The tendencies of all such governments in their decline is to monarchy, and the antagonist principle to liberty there is the spirit of faction--a spirit which assumes the character and in times of great excitement imposes itself upon the people as the genuine spirit of freedom, and, like the false Christs whose coming was foretold by the Savior, seeks to, and were it possible would, impose upon the true and most faithful disciples of liberty. It is in periods like this that it behooves the people to be most watchful of those to whom they have intrusted power. And although there is at times much difficulty in distinguishing the false from the true spirit, a calm and dispassionate investigation will detect the counterfeit, as well by the character of its operations as the results that are produced. The true spirit of liberty, although devoted, persevering, bold, and uncompromising in principle, that secured is mild and tolerant and scrupulous as to the means it employs, whilst the spirit of party, assuming to be that of liberty, is harsh, vindictive, and intolerant, and totally reckless as to the character of the allies which it brings to the aid of its cause. When the genuine spirit of liberty animates the body of a people to a thorough examination of their affairs, it leads to the excision of every excrescence which may have fastened itself upon any of the departments of the government, and restores the system to its pristine health and beauty. But the reign of an intolerant spirit of party amongst a free people seldom fails to result in a dangerous accession to the executive power introduced and established amidst unusual professions of devotion to democracy.
"... I deem the present occasion sufficiently important and solemn to justify me in expressing to my fellow-citizens a profound reverence for the Christian religion and a thorough conviction that sound morals, religious liberty, and a just sense of religious responsibility are essentially connected with all true and lasting happiness; and to that good Being who has blessed us by the gifts of civil and religious freedom, who watched over and prospered the labors of our fathers and has hitherto preserved to us institutions far exceeding in excellence those of any other people, let us unite in fervently commending every interest of our beloved country in all future time."
Tyler, John
(1790-1862)
Tenth president of the United States. Read about Tyler here.
WORKS
Address Upon Assuming the Office of President of the United States, April 9, 1841.
My earnest prayer shall be constantly addressed to the all-wise and all-powerful Being who made me, and by whose dispensation I am called to the high office of President of this Confederacy, understandingly to carry out the principles of that Constitution which I have sworn "to protect, preserve, and defend."
...In conclusion I beg you to be assured that I shall exert myself to carry the foregoing principles into practice during my administration of the Government, and, confiding in the protecting care of an everwatchful and overruling Providence, it shall be my first and highest duty to preserve unimpaired the free institutions under which we live and transmit them to those who shall succeed me in their full force and vigor.
"First Annual Message" (December 7, 1841).
To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States:
In coming together, fellow-citizens, to enter again upon the discharge of the duties with which the people have charged us severally, we find great occasion to rejoice in the general prosperity of the country. We are in the enjoyment of all the blessings of civil and religious liberty, with unexampled means of education, knowledge, and improvement. Through the year which is now drawing to a close peace has been in our borders and plenty in our habitations, and although disease has visited some few portions of the land with distress and mortality, yet in general the health of the people has been preserved, and we are all called upon by the highest obligations of duty to renew our thanks and our devotion to our Heavenly Parent, who has continued to vouchsafe to us the eminent blessings which surround us and who has so signally crowned the year with His goodness. If we find ourselves increasing beyond example in numbers, in strength, in wealth, in knowledge, in everything which promotes human and social happiness, let us ever remember our dependence for all these on the protection and merciful dispensations of Divine Providence.
Polk, James K.
(1795-1849)
11th President of the United States. Read more about Polkhere and here.
WORKS
"Inaugural Address" (March 4, 1845).
... If the more aged and experienced men who have filled the office of President of the United States even in the infancy of the Republic distrusted their ability to discharge the duties of that exalted station, what ought not to be the apprehensions of one so much younger and less endowed now that our domain extends from ocean to ocean, that our people have so greatly increased in numbers, and at a time when so great diversity of opinion prevails in regard to the principles and policy which should characterize the administration of our Government? Well may the boldest fear and the wisest tremble when incurring responsibilities on which may depend our country's peace and prosperity, and in some degree the hopes and happiness of the whole human family.
In assuming responsibilities so vast I fervently invoke the aid of that Almighty Ruler of the Universe in whose hands are the destinies of nations and of men to guard this Heaven-favored land against the mischiefs which without His guidance might arise from an unwise public policy. With a firm reliance upon the wisdom of Omnipotence to sustain and direct me in the path of duty which I am appointed to pursue, I stand in the presence of this assembled multitude of my countrymen to take upon myself the solemn obligation "to the best of my ability to preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States."
... Confidently relying upon the aid and assistance of the coordinate departments of the Government in conducting our public affairs, I enter upon the discharge of the high duties which have been assigned me by the people, again humbly supplicating that Divine Being who has watched over and protected our beloved country from its infancy to the present hour to continue His gracious benedictions upon us, that we may continue to be a prosperous and happy people.
Jenkins, John S. (John Stilwell), editor. James Knox Polk, and a History of his administration. Auburn, 1850. 387 pp. Inaugural Address.
First Annual Message(December 2nd, 1845).
Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:
It is to me a source of unaffected satisfaction to meet the representatives of the States and the people in Congress assembled, as it will be to receive the aid of their combined wisdom in the administration of public affairs. In performing for the first time the duty imposed on me by the Constitution of giving to you information of the state of the Union and recommending to your consideration such measures as in my judgment are necessary and expedient, I am happy that I can congratulate you on the continued prosperity of our country. Under the blessings of Divine Providence and the benign influence of our free institutions, it stands before the world a spectacle of national happiness.
With our unexampled advancement in all the elements of national greatness, the affection of the people is confirmed for the Union of the States and for the doctrines of popular liberty which lie at the foundation of our Government.
It becomes us in humility to make our devout acknowledgments to the Supreme Ruler of the Universe for the inestimable civil and religious blessings with which we are favored.
... I trust it may not be deemed inappropriate to the occasion for me to dwell for a moment on the memory of the most eminent citizen of our country who during the summer that is gone by has descended to the tomb. The enjoyment of contemplating, at the advanced age of near fourscore years, the happy condition of his country cheered the last hours of Andrew Jackson, who departed this life in the tranquil hope of a blessed immortality. His death was happy, as his life had been eminently useful. He had an unfaltering confidence in the virtue and capacity of the people and in the permanence of that free Government which he had largely contributed to establish and defend. His great deeds had secured to him the affections of his fellow-citizens, and it was his happiness to witness the growth and glory of his country, which he loved so well. He departed amidst the benedictions of millions of free-men. The nation paid its tribute to his memory at his tomb. Coming generations will learn from his example the love of country and the rights of man. In his language on a similar occasion to the present, "I now commend you, fellow-citizens, to the guidance of Almighty God, with a full reliance on His merciful providence for the maintenance of our free institutions, and with an earnest supplication that whatever errors it may be my lot to commit in discharging the arduous duties which have devolved on me will find a remedy in the harmony and wisdom of your counsels."
Jenkins, John S. (John Stilwell), editor. James Knox Polk, and a History of his administration. Auburn, 1850. 387 pp. First Annual Message to Congress.
The Diary of James K. Polk during his presidency, 1845 to 1849; now first printed from the original manuscript in the collections of the Chicago Historical Society. Chicago: A.C. McClurg & Co., (Norwood, Mass.: Printed and bound by the Plimpton Press) 1910. 4 vols.: ill., facsim., ports. Volume 1 of 4. Volume 2 of 4. Volume 3 of 4. Volume 4 of 4.
E. Hotchken. No. 11-I. Good Water, July 7, 1848. "The Bible has been the textbook in both schools. Connected with the day school, we have had an interesting Sabbath school. This arrangement I consider of vital importance to the welfare of youth. Their studies have been Union Questions, vol. 1st, Emerson's Evangelical Primer, containing doctrinal and historical truth, and the Assembly's Shorter Catechism. It is surprising to see how much knowledge may be obtained in forty Sabbaths, under faithful and judicious teachers.
Extract from Message from the President of the United States to the two houses of Congress at the commencement of the second session of the Thirtieth Congress. Washington: Printed by Wendell and Van Benthuysen, 1848. 1275 pp.: folded maps, folded plans, folded tables; 25 cm. House. Ex. doc. - [United States], 30th Congress, 2d sess. no. 1. "December 5, 1848. Read, and committed to the Committee of the whole house on the state of the Union, and 15,000 extra copies, with the accompanying documents, ordered to be printed."/ The message (p. [3]-44) is accompanied by reports of the secretaries of state, treasury, war and navy and postmaster-general./ References: Howes, U.S. IANA, no. p. 446./ Reproduction: Microfilm./ New Haven, Conn. / Research Publications,/ 1975./ 1 reel; 35 mm./ (Western Americana; Reel 566, no. 5833).
Taylor, Zachary
(1784-1850)
12th President of the United States. Read more about Taylor here.
WORKS
"Inaugural Address" (March 5, 1849).
As American freemen we can not but sympathize in all efforts to extend the blessings of civil and political liberty, but at the same time we are warned by the admonitions of history and the voice of our own beloved Washington to abstain from entangling alliances with foreign nations. In all disputes between conflicting governments it is our interest not less than our duty to remain strictly neutral, while our geographical position, the genius of our institutions and our people, the advancing spirit of civilization, and, above all, the dictates of religion direct us to the cultivation of peaceful and friendly relations with all other powers. It is to be hoped that no international question can now arise which a government confident in its own strength and resolved to protect its own just rights may not settle by wise negotiation; and it eminently becomes a government like our own, founded on the morality and intelligence of its citizens and upheld by their affections, to exhaust every resort of honorable diplomacy before appealing to arms. In the conduct of our foreign relations I shall conform to these views, as I believe them essential to the best interests and the true honor of the country.
The appointing power vested in the President imposes delicate and onerous duties. So far as it is possible to be informed, I shall make honesty, capacity, and fidelity indispensable prerequisites to the bestowal of office, and the absence of either of these qualities shall be deemed sufficient cause for removal.
... In conclusion I congratulate you, my fellow-citizens, upon the high state of prosperity to which the goodness of Divine Providence has conducted our common country. Let us invoke a continuance of the same protecting care which has led us from small beginnings to the eminence we this day occupy, and let us seek to deserve that continuance by prudence and moderation in our councils, by well-directed attempts to assuage the bitterness which too often marks unavoidable differences of opinion, by the promulgation and practice of just and liberal principles, and by an enlarged patriotism, which shall acknowledge no limits but those of our own widespread Republic.
Fillmore, Millard
(1800-1874)
13th President of the United States. Read about Fillmore here and here.
WORKS
Announcement to Congress of the Death of President Taylor, July 10, 1850. "I have to perform the melancholy duty of announcing to you that it has pleased Almighty God to remove from this life Zachary Taylor, late President of the United States."
Being suddenly called in the midst of the last session of Congress by a painful dispensation of Divine Providence to the responsible station which I now hold, I contented myself with such communications to the Legislature as the exigency of the moment seemed to require.
... Our liberties, religions and civil, have been maintained, the fountains of knowledge have all been kept open, and means of happiness widely spread and generally enjoyed greater than have fallen to the lot of any other nation. And while deeply penetrated with gratitude for the past, let us hope that His all-wise providence will so guide our counsels as that they shall result in giving satisfaction to our constituents, securing the peace of the country, and adding new strength to the united Government under which we live.
Pierce, Franklin
(1804-1869)
14th President of the United States. Read about Pierce here and here.
WORKS
"Inaugural Address" (March 4, 1853).
But let not the foundation of our hope rest upon man's wisdom. It will not be sufficient that sectional prejudices find no place in the public deliberations. It will not be sufficient that the rash counsels of human passion are rejected. It must be felt that there is no national security but in the nation's humble, acknowledged dependence upon God and His overruling providence.
We have been carried in safety through a perilous crisis. Wise counsels, like those which gave us the Constitution, prevailed to uphold it. Let the period be remembered as an admonition, and not as an encouragement, in any section of the Union, to make experiments where experiments are fraught with such fearful hazard. Let it be impressed upon all hearts that, beautiful as our fabric is, no earthly power or wisdom could ever reunite its broken fragments. Standing, as I do, almost within view of the green slopes of Monticello, and, as it were, within reach of the tomb of Washington, with all the cherished memories of the past gathering around me like so many eloquent voices of exhortation from heaven, I can express no better hope for my country than that the kind Providence which smiled upon our fathers may enable their children to preserve the blessings they have inherited.
Second Annual Message (December 4, 1854).
Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:
The past has been an eventful year, and will be hereafter referred to as a marked epoch in the history of the world. While we have been happily preserved from the calamities of war, our domestic prosperity has not been entirely uninterrupted. The crops in portions of the country have been nearly cut off. Disease has prevailed to a greater extent than usual, and the sacrifice of human life through casualties by sea and land is without parallel. But the pestilence has swept by, and restored salubrity invites the absent to their homes and the return of business to its ordinary channels. If the earth has rewarded the labor of the husbandman less bountifully than in preceding seasons, it has left him with abundance for domestic wants and a large surplus for exportation. In the present, therefore, as in the past, we find ample grounds for reverent thankfulness to the God of grace and providence for His protecting care and merciful dealings with us as a people.
Although our attention has been arrested by painful interest in passing events, yet our country feels no more than the slight vibrations of the convulsions which have shaken Europe. As individuals we can not repress sympathy with human suffering nor regret for the causes which produce it; as a nation we are reminded that whatever interrupts the peace or checks the prosperity of any part of Christendom tends more or less to involve our own. The condition of States is not unlike that of individuals; they are mutually dependent upon each other. Amicable relations between them and reciprocal good will are essential for the promotion of whatever is desirable in their moral, social, and political condition. Hence it has been my earnest endeavor to maintain peace and friendly intercourse with all nations.
...Our forefathers of the thirteen united colonies, in acquiring their independence and in rounding this Republic of the United States of America, have devolved upon us, their descendants, the greatest and the most noble trust ever committed to the hands of man, imposing upon all, and especially such as the public will may have invested for the time being with political functions, the most sacred obligations. We have to maintain inviolate the great doctrine of the inherent right of popular self-government; to reconcile the largest liberty of the individual citizen with complete security of the public order; to render cheerful obedience to the laws of the land, to unite in enforcing their execution, and to frown indignantly on all combinations to resist them; to harmonize a sincere and ardent devotion to the institutions of religions faith with the most universal religious toleration; to preserve the rights of all by causing each to respect those of the other; to carry forward every social improvement to the uttermost limit of human perfectibility, by the free action of mind upon mind, not by the obtrusive intervention of misapplied force; to uphold the integrity and guard the limitations of our organic law; to preserve sacred from all touch of usurpation, as the very palladium of our political salvation, the reserved rights and powers of the several States and of the people; to cherish with loyal fealty and devoted affection this Union, as the only sure foundation on which the hopes of civil liberty rest; to administer government with vigilant integrity and rigid economy; to cultivate peace and friendship with foreign nations, and to demand and exact equal justice from all, but to do wrong to none; to eschew intermeddling with the national policy and the domestic repose of other governments, and to repel it from our own; never to shrink from war when the rights and the honor of the country call us to arms, but to cultivate in preference the arts of peace, seek enlargement of the rights of neutrality, and elevate and liberalize the intercourse of nations; and by such just and honorable means, and such only, whilst exalting the condition of the Republic, to assure to it the legitimate influence and the benign authority of a great example amongst all the powers of Christendom.
Under the solemnity of these convictions the blessing of Almighty God is earnestly invoked to attend upon your deliberations and upon all the counsels and acts of the Government, to the end that, with common zeal and common efforts, we may, in humble submission to the divine will, cooperate for the promotion of the supreme good of these United States.
Third Annual Message (December 31, 1855).
I know that the Union is stronger a thousand times than all the wild and chimerical schemes of social change which are generated one after another in the unstable minds of visionary sophists and interested agitators. I rely confidently on the patriotism of the people, on the dignity and self-respect of the States, on the wisdom of Congress, and, above all, on the continued gracious favor of Almighty God to maintain against all enemies, whether at home or abroad, the sanctity of the Constitution and the integrity of the Union.
Fourth Annual Message (December 2, 1856).
I shall prepare to surrender the Executive trust to my successor and retire to private life with sentiments of profound gratitude to the good Providence which during the period of my Administration has vouchsafed to carry the country through many difficulties, domestic and foreign, and which enables me to contemplate the spectacle of amicable and respectful relations between ours and all other governments and the establishment of constitutional order and tranquillity throughout the Union.
Buchanan, James
(1791-1868)
15th President of the United States. Read about Buchanan here and here. Note: Buchanan was a Grand Master in the Freemasons.
WORKS
"Inaugural Address" (March 4, 1857).
Fellow-Citizens:
I appear before you this day to take the solemn oath "that I will faithfully execute the office of President of the United States and will to the best of my ability preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States."
In entering upon this great office I must humbly invoke the God of our fathers for wisdom and firmness to execute its high and responsible duties in such a manner as to restore harmony and ancient friendship among the people of the several States and to preserve our free institutions throughout many generations. Convinced that I owe my election to the inherent love for the Constitution and the Union which still animates the hearts of the American people, let me earnestly ask their powerful support in sustaining all just measures calculated to perpetuate these, the richest political blessings which Heaven has ever bestowed upon any nation. Having determined not to become a candidate for reelection, I shall have no motive to influence my conduct in administering the Government except the desire ably and faithfully to serve my country and to live in grateful memory of my countrymen.
... I shall now proceed to take the oath prescribed by the Constitution, whilst humbly invoking the blessing of Divine Providence on this great people.
First Annual Message (December 8, 1857).
Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives:
In obedience to the command of the Constitution, it has now become my duty "to give to Congress information of the state of the Union and recommend to their consideration such measures" as I judge to be "necessary and expedient."
But first and above all, our thanks are due to Almighty God for the numerous benefits which He has bestowed upon this people, and our united prayers ought to ascend to Him that He would continue to bless our great Republic in time to come as He has blessed it in time past.
Second Annual Message (December 6, 1858).
Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives:
When we compare the condition of the country at the present day with what it was one year ago at the meeting of Congress, we have much reason for gratitude to that Almighty Providence which has never failed to interpose for our relief at the most critical periods of our history.
Third Annual Message (December 19, 1859).
Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives:
Our deep and heartfelt gratitude is due to that Almighty Power which has bestowed upon us such varied and numerous blessings throughout the past year. The general health of the country has been excellent, our harvests have been unusually plentiful, and prosperity smiles throughout the land. Indeed, notwithstanding our demerits, we have much reason to believe from the past events in our history that we have enjoyed the special protection of Divine Providence ever since our origin as a nation. We have been exposed to many threatening and alarming difficulties in our progress, but on each successive occasion the impending cloud has been dissipated at the moment it appeared ready to burst upon our head, and the danger to our institutions has passed away. May we ever be under the divine guidance and protection.
...Self-preservation is the first instinct of nature, and therefore any state of society in which the sword is all the time suspended over the heads of the people must at last become intolerable. But I indulge in no such gloomy forebodings. On the contrary, I firmly believe that the events at Harpers Ferry, by causing the people to pause and reflect upon the possible peril to their cherished institutions, will be the means under Providence of allaying the existing excitement and preventing further outbreaks of a similar character. They will resolve that the Constitution and the Union shall not be endangered by rash counsels, knowing that should "the silver cord be loosed or the golden bowl be broken at the fountain" human power could never reunite the scattered and hostile fragments.
... For a period of more than half a century there has been no perceptible addition to the number of our domestic slaves. During this period their advancement in civilization has far surpassed that of any other portion of the African race. The light and the blessings of Christianity have been extended to them, and both their moral and physical condition has been greatly improved.
... But we are obliged as a Christian and moral nation to consider what would be the effect upon unhappy Africa itself if we should reopen the slave trade. This would give the trade an impulse and extension which it has never had, even in its palmiest days. The numerous victims required to supply it would convert the whole slave coast into a perfect pandemonium, for which this country would be held responsible in the eyes both of God and man. Its petty tribes would then be constantly engaged in predatory wars against each other for the purpose of seizing slaves to supply the American market. All hopes of African civilization would thus be ended.
On the other hand, when a market for African slaves shall no longer be furnished in Cuba, and thus all the world be closed against this trade,we may then indulge a reasonable hope for the gradual improvement of Africa. The chief motive of war among the tribes will cease whenever there is no longer any demand for slaves. The resources of that fertile but miserable country might then be developed by the hand of industry and afford subjects for legitimate foreign and domestic commerce. In this manner Christianity and civilization may gradually penetrate the existing gloom.
Fourth Annual Message (December 3, 1860).
Many a matron throughout the South retires at night in dread of what may befall herself and children before the morning. Should this apprehension of domestic danger, whether real or imaginary, extend and intensify itself until it shall pervade the masses of the Southern people, then disunion will become inevitable. Self-preservation is the first law of nature, and has been implanted in the heart of man by his Creator for the wisest purpose; and no political union, however fraught with blessings and benefits in all other respects, can long continue if the necessary consequence be to render the homes and the firesides of nearly half the parties to it habitually and hopelessly insecure. Sooner or later the bonds of such a union must be severed. It is my conviction that this fatal period has not yet arrived, and my prayer to God is that He would preserve the Constitution and the Union throughout all generations.
Inaugural Address, March 4, 1861.
"...Such of you as are now dissatisfied still have the old Constitution unimpaired, and, on the sensitive point, the laws of your own framing under it; while the new Administration will have no immediate power, if it would, to change either. If it were admitted that you who are dissatisfied hold the right side in the dispute, there still is no single good reason for precipitate action. Intelligence, patriotism, Christianity, and a firm reliance on Him who has never yet forsaken this favored land are still competent to adjust in the best way all our present difficulty.
"In 'your' hands, my dissatisfied fellow-countrymen, and not in 'mine', is the momentous issue of civil war. The Government will not assail 'you'. You can have no conflict without being yourselves the aggressors. 'You' have no oath registered in heaven to destroy the Government, while I shall have the most solemn one to "preserve, protect, and defend it."
Order for Day of Thanksgiving, November 27, 1861. Collected Works of Abraham Lincoln, Volume 5, edited by Roy P. Basler. "The Municipal authorities of Washington and Georgetown in this District, have appointed tomorrow, the 28th. instant, as a day of thanksgiving, the several Department will on that occasion be closed, in order that the officers of the government may partake in the ceremonies."
By the President of the United States of America.
A Proclamation.
It has pleased Almighty God to vouchsafe signal victories to the land and naval forces engaged in suppressing an internal rebellion, and at the same time to avert from our country the dangers of foreign intervention and invasion.
It is therefore recommended to the People of the United States that, at their next weekly assemblages in their accustomed places of public worship which shall occur after notice of this proclamation shall have been received, they especially acknowledge and render thanks to our Heavenly Father for these inestimable blessings; that they then and there implore spiritual consolations in behalf of all who have been brought into affliction by the casualties and calamities of sedition and civil war, and that they reverently invoke the Divine Guidance for our national counsels, to the end that they may speedily result in the restoration of peace, harmony, and unity throughout our borders, and hasten the establishment of fraternal relations among all the countries of the earth.
In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed.
Done at the City of Washington, this tenth day of April, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-two, and of the Independence of the United States the eighty-sixth.
Senator James Harlan. Day of Prayer and Humiliation. Resolution passed by the U.S. Senate, recorded in Congressional Globe, March 3, 1863.
"Resolved. That devoutly recognizing the supreme authority and just government of Almighty God in all the affairs of men and of nations, and sincerely believing that no people, however great in numbers and resources, or however strong in the justice of their cause, can prosper without His favor, and at the same time deploring the national offenses which have provoked His righteous judgment, yet encouraged in this day of trouble by the assurances of His word to seek Him for succor according to His appointed way, through Jesus Christ, the Senate of the United States do hereby request the President of the United States,by his proclamation,, to designate and set apart a day for national prayer and humiliation, requesting alll the people of the land to suspend their secular pursuits and unite in keeping the day in solemn communion with the Lord of Hosts, supplicating Him to enlighten the counsels and direct the policy of the rulers of the nation, and to support all our soldiers, sailors, and marines, and the whole people in the firm discharge of duty, until the existing rebellion shall be overthown and the blessings of peace restored to our bleeding country."
By the President of the United States of America.
A Proclamation.
It has pleased Almighty God to hearken to the supplications and prayers of an afflicted people, and to vouchsafe to the army and the navy of the United States victories on land and on the sea so signal and so effective as to furnish reasonable grounds for augmented confidence that the Union of these States will be maintained, their constitution preserved, and their peace and prosperity permanently restored. But these victories have been accorded not without sacrifices of life, limb, health and liberty incurred by brave, loyal and patriotic citizens. Domestic affliction in every part of the country follows in the train of these fearful bereavements. It is meet and right to recognize and confess the presence of the Almighty Father and the power of His Hand equally in these triumphs and in these sorrows:
Now, therefore, be it known that I do set apart Thursday the 6th. day of August next, to be observed as a day for National Thanksgiving, Praise and Prayer, and I invite the People of the United States to assemble on that occasion in their customary places of worship, and in the forms approved by their own consciences, render the homage due to the Divine Majesty, for the wonderful things he has done in the Nation's behalf, and invoke the influence of His Holy Spirit to subdue the anger, which has produced, and so long sustained a needless and cruel rebellion, to change the hearts of the insurgents, to guide the counsels of the Government with wisdom adequate to so great a national emergency, and to visit with tender care and consolation throughout the length and breadth of our land all those who, through the vicissitudes of marches, voyages, battles and sieges, have been brought to suffer in mind, body or estate, and finally to lead the whole nation, through the paths of repentance and submission to the Divine Will, back to the perfect enjoyment of Union and fraternal peace.
In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed.
Done at the city of Washington, this fifteenth day of July, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, and of the Independence of the United States of America the eighty-eighth.
By the President of the United States of America.
A Proclamation.
The year that is drawing towards its close, has been filled with the blessings of fruitful fields and healthful skies. To these bounties, which are so constantly enjoyed that we are prone to forget the source from which they come, others have been added, which are of so extraordinary a nature, that they cannot fail to penetrate and soften even the heart which is habitually insensible to the ever watchful providence of Almighty God. In the midst of a civil war of unequalled magnitude and severity, which has sometimes seemed to foreign States to invite and to provoke their aggression, peace has been preserved with all nations, order has been maintained, the laws have been respected and obeyed, and harmony has prevailed everywhere except in the theatre of military conflict; while that theatre has been greatly contracted by the advancing armies and navies of the Union. Needful diversions of wealth and of strength from the fields of peaceful industry to the national defence, have not arrested the plough, the shuttle or the ship; the axe has enlarged the borders of our settlements, and the mines, as well of iron and coal as of the precious metals, have yielded even more abundantly than heretofore. Population has steadily increased, notwithstanding the waste that has been made in the camp, the siege and the battle-field; and the country, rejoicing in the consciousness of augmented strength and vigor, is permitted to expect continuance of years with large increase of freedom. No human counsel hath devised nor hath any mortal hand worked out these great things. They are the gracious gifts of the Most High God, who,while dealing with us in anger for our sins, hath nevertheless remembered mercy. It has seemed to me fit and proper that they should be solemnly, reverently and gratefully acknowledged as with one heart and one voice by the whole American People. I do therefore invite my fellow citizens in every part of the United States, and also those who are at sea and those who are sojourning in foreign lands, to set apart and observe the last Thursday of November next, as a day of Thanksgiving and Praise to our beneficent Father who dwelleth in the Heavens. And I recommend to them that while offering up the ascriptions justly due to Him for such singular deliverances and blessings, they do also, with humble penitence for our national perverseness and disobedience, commend to His tender care all those who have become widows, orphans, mourners or sufferers in the lamentable civil strife in which we are unavoidably engaged, and fervently implore the interposition of the Almighty Hand to heal the wounds of the nation and to restore it as soon as may be consistent with the Divine purposes to the full enjoyment of peace, harmony, tranquillity and Union.
In testimony whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the Seal of the United States to be affixed.
Done at the City of Washington, this Third day of October, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, and of the Independence of the United States the Eighty-eighth. ABRAHAM LINCOLN
To the friends of Union & Liberty. May 9, 1864. Collected Works of Abraham Lincoln, Volume 7, edited by Roy P. Basler.
Enough is known of Army operations within the last five days to claim our especial gratitude to God; while what remains undone demands our most sincere prayers to, and reliance upon, Him, without whom, all human effort is vain. I recommend that all patriots, at their homes, in their places of public worship, and wherever they may be, unite in common thanksgiving and prayer to Almighty God. ABRAHAM LINCOLN
Proclamation of Thanksgiving and Prayer, September 3, 1864. Collected Works of Abraham Lincoln, Volume 7, edited by Roy P. Basler, pp. 533-534.
The signal success that Divine Providence has recently vouchsafed to the operations of the United States fleet and army in the harbor of Mobile and the reduction of Fort-Powell, Fort-Gaines, and Fort-Morgan, and the glorious achievements of the Army under Major General Sherman in the State of Georgia, resulting in the capture of the City of Atlanta, call for devout acknowledgement to the Supreme Being in whose hands are the destinies of nations. It is therefore requested that on next Sunday, in all places of public worship in the United-States, thanksgiving be offered to Him for His mercy in preserving our national existence against the insurgent rebels who so long have been waging a cruel war against the Government of the United-States, for its overthrow; and also that prayer be made for the Divine protection to our brave soldiers and their leaders in the field, who have so ofen and so gallantly perilled their lives in battling with the enemy; and for blessing and comfort from the Father of Mercies to the sick, wounded, and prisoners, and to the orphans and widows of those who have fallen in the service of their country, and that he will continue to uphold the Government of the United-States against all the efforts of public enemies and secret foes. ABRAHAM LINCOLN
By the President of the United States of America:
A Proclamation.
It has pleased Almighty God to prolong our national life another year, defending us with his guardian care against unfriendly designs from abroad, and vouchsafing to us in His mercy many and signal victories over the enemy, who is of our own household. It has also pleased our Heavenly Father to favor as well our citizens in their homes as our soldiers in their camps and our sailors on the rivers and seas with unusual health. He has largely augmented our free population by emancipation and by immigration, while he has opened to us new sources of wealth, and has crowned the labor of our working men in every department of industry with abundant rewards. Moreover, He has been pleased to animate and inspire our minds and hearts with fortitude, courage and resolution sufficient for the great trial of civil war into which we have been brought by our adherence as a nation to the cause of Freedom and Humanity, and to afford to us reasonable hopes of an ultimate and happy deliverance from all our dangers and afflictions.
Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, do, hereby, appoint and set apart the last Thursday in November next as a day, which I desire to be observed by all my fellow-citizens wherever they may then be as a day of Thanksgiving and Praise to Almighty God the beneficent Creator and Ruler of the Universe. And I do farther recommend to my fellow-citizens aforesaid that on that occasion they do reverently humble themselves in the dust and from thence offer up penitent and fervent prayers and supplications to the Great Disposer of events for a return of the inestimable blessings of Peace, Union and Harmony throughout the land, which it has pleased him to assign as a dwelling place for ourselves and for our posterity throughout all generations.
In testimony whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed.
Done at the city of Washington this twentieth day of October, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty four, and, of the Independence of the United States the eighty-ninth. ABRAHAM LINCOLN
Abraham Lincoln's Second Inaugural Address -- In one of his most powerful speeches, President Lincoln invokes God and Scripture in marking the nation's triumph over slavery and laying the groundwork for peace.
Second Inaugural Address, March 4, 1865.
One-eighth of the whole population were colored slaves, not distributed generally over the Union, but localized in the southern part of it. These slaves constituted a peculiar and powerful interest. All knew that this interest was somehow the cause of the war. To strengthen, perpetuate, and extend this interest was the object for which the insurgents would rend the Union even by war, while the Government claimed no right to do more than to restrict the territorial enlargement of it. Neither party expected for the war the magnitude or the duration which it has already attained. Neither anticipated that the cause of the conflict might cease with or even before the conflict itself should cease. Each looked for an easier triumph, and a result less fundamental and astounding. Both read the same Bible and pray to the same God, and each invokes His aid against the other. It may seem strange that any men should dare to ask a just God's assistance in wringing their bread from the sweat of other men's faces, but let us judge not, that we be not judged. The prayers of both could not be answered. That of neither has been answered fully. The Almighty has His own purposes. "Woe unto the world because of offenses; for it must needs be that offenses come, but woe to that man by whom the offense cometh." If we shall suppose that American slavery is one of those offenses which, in the providence of God, must needs come, but which, having continued through His appointed time, He now wills to remove, and that He gives to both North and South this terrible war as the woe due to those by whom the offense came, shall we discern therein any departure from those divine attributes which the believers in a living God always ascribe to Him? Fondly do we hope, fervently do we pray, that this mighty scourge of war may speedily pass away. Yet, if God wills that it continue until all the wealth piled by the bondsman's two hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil shall be sunk, and until every drop of blood drawn with the lash shall be paid by another drawn with the sword, as was said three thousand years ago, so still it must be said "the judgments of the Lord are true and righteous altogether."
With malice toward none, with charity for all, with firmness in the fight as God gives us to see the right, let us strive on to finish the work we are in, to bind up the nation's wounds, to care for him who shall have borne the battle and for his widow and his orphan, to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace among ourselves and with all nations.
We meet this evening, not in sorrow, but in gladness of heart. The evacuation of Petersburg and Richmond, and the surrender of the principal insurgent army, give hope of a righteous and speedy peace whose joyous expression can not be restrained. In the midst of this, however, He, from Whom all blessings flow, must not be forgotten. A call for a national thanksgiving is being prepared, and will be duly promulgated.
Joseph A. Gilmore, Governor of New Hampshire. To the people of New-Hampshire. By His Excellency, the Governor. A Proclamation. 1 p.; 25.5 x 20 cm.
Whereas, Wednesday, the 19th of April, (a day of deep significance in the history of our nation,) has been set apart for the funeral obsequies of ABRAHAM LINCOLN, the late Chief Magistrate of the United States; and it seems but fitting that the people of New-Hampshire, crushed by the terrible calamity of his untimely death, yet fired with righteous indignation at its unholy cause, and sustained by unfaltering trust in the Wisdom and Justice of Almighty God, should participate in the sad solemnities of the occasion.
I do hereby instruct the municipal authorities of the several cities and towns of this Commonwealth to cause the bells of all the churches within their jurisdiction to be tolled, and minute guns to be fired from eleven to twelve o'clock, on the day above designated.
And I would earnestly request the people of New-Hampshire to close their several places of business on that day; drape their stores and dwelling-houses with the appropriate emblems of that grief which has already found expression in the heaving breast, the tearful eye and the quivering voice of millions; and assemble in their accustomed places of worship at twelve o'clock, to give utterance to their sorrow, and seek inspiration for their hopes, in a manner becoming a Christian Nation.
Let humble prayer be offered, through the merits of Him who gave his life not for a nation only, but for the world, for the sorrowing household of our beloved President; for a nation in deep affliction; and especially for him who has been so sadly and so suddenly called to assume the chair of State--that divine wisdom, patriotic devotion and fervent reliance on the sustaining Grace of God may enable him to conduct this nation through the dangers which threaten it, to a peace which shall be lasting and glorious, because hallowed by the approval of Eternal Justice, Truth and Right.
Given at the Council Chamber, this seventeenth day April, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-five, and of the Independence of the United States the eighty-ninth.
JOSEPH A. GILMORE.
T. M. (Thomas Mears) Eddy. Abraham Lincoln: A Memorial discourse, delivered at a union meeting, held in the Presbyterian Church, Waukegan, Illinois, Wednesday, April 19, 1865, the day upon which the funeral services of the President were conducted in Washington, and observed throughout the loyal states as one of mourning. Chicago; (Chicago), 1865. 22 pp. Also here.
17th President of the United States. Read about Andrew Johnson here, here, here, here, here, and here.
WORKS
Proclamation 129 - Day of Fasting, Humiliation and Mourning for the Death of President Lincoln. April 25, 1865.
Whereas, by my direction, the Acting Secretary of State, in a notice to the public of the 17th, requested the various religious denominations to assemble on the 19th instant, on the occasion of the obsequies of Abraham Lincoln, late President of the United States, and to observe the same with appropriate ceremonies; but
Whereas our country has become one great house of mourning, where the head of the family has been taken away, and believing that a special period should be assigned for again humbling ourselves before Almighty God, in order that the bereavement may be sanctified to the nation:
Now, therefore, in order to mitigate that grief on earth which can only be assuaged by communion with the Father in heaven, and in compliance with the wishes of Senators and Representatives in Congress, communicated to me by resolutions adopted at the National Capitol, I, Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, do hereby appoint Thursday, the 25th day of May next, to be observed, wherever in the United States the flag of the country may be respected, as a day of humiliation and mourning, and I recommend my fellow-citizens then to assemble in their respective places of worship, there to unite in solemn service to Almighty God in memory of the good man who has been removed, so that all shall be occupied at the same time in contemplation of his virtues and in sorrow for his sudden and violent end.
In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed.
Proclamation 130 - Postponing the Day of Mourning for the Death of President Lincoln Until June 1. April 29, 1865. Whereas by my proclamation of the 25th instant Thursday, the 25th day of next month, was recommended as a day for special humiliation and prayer in consequence of the assassination of Abraham Lincoln, late President of the United States; but
Whereas my attention has since been called to the fact that the day aforesaid is sacred to large numbers of Christians as one of rejoicing for the ascension of the Savior:
Now, therefore, be it known that I, Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, do hereby suggest that the religious services recommended as aforesaid should be postponed until Thursday, the 1st day of June next.
In testimony whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed.
Executive Order, May 31, 1865. Tomorrow, the 1st of June, being the day appointed for special humiliation and prayer in consequence of the assassination of Abraham Lincoln, late President of the United States, the Executive Office and the various Departments will be closed during the day.
Proclamation 147 - Thanksgiving Day, 1865. October 28, 1865.
Whereas it has pleased Almighty God during the year which is now coming to an end to relieve our beloved country from the fearful scourge of civil war and to permit us to secure the blessings of peace, unity, and harmony, with a great enlargement of civil liberty; and
Whereas our Heavenly Father has also during the year graciously averted from us the calamities of foreign war, pestilence, and famine, while our granaries are full of the fruits of an abundant season; and
Whereas righteousness exalteth a nation, while sin is a reproach to any people:
Now, therefore, be it known that I, Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, do hereby recommend to the people thereof that they do set apart and observe the first Thursday of December next as a day of national thanksgiving to the Creator of the Universe for these great deliverances and blessings.
And I do further recommend that on that occasion the whole people make confession of our national sins against His infinite goodness, and with one heart and one mind implore the divine guidance in the ways of national virtue and holiness.
In testimony whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed.
First Annual Message. December 4, 1865.
When, on the organization of our Government under the Constitution, the President of the United States delivered his inaugural address to the two Houses of Congress, he said to them, and through them to the country and to mankind, that--
The preservation of the sacred fire of liberty and the destiny of the republican model of government are justly considered, perhaps, as deeply, as finally, staked on the experiment intrusted to the hands of the American people.
And the House of Representatives answered Washington by the voice of Madison:
We adore the Invisible Hand which has led the American people, through so many difficulties, to cherish a conscious responsibility for the destiny of republican liberty.
More than seventy-six years have glided away since these words were spoken; the United States have passed through severer trials than were foreseen; and now, at this new epoch in our existence as one nation, with our Union purified by sorrows and strengthened by conflict and established by the virtue of the people, the greatness of the occasion invites us once more to repeat with solemnity the pledges of our fathers to hold ourselves answerable before our fellow-men for the success of the republican form of government.
... Other nations were wasted by civil wars for ages before they could establish for themselves the necessary degree of unity; the latent conviction that our form of government is the best ever known to the world has enabled us to emerge from civil war within four years with a complete vindication of the constitutional authority of the General Government and with our local liberties and State institutions unimpaired.
The throngs of emigrants that crowd to our shores are witnesses of the confidence of all peoples in our permanence. Here is the great land of free labor, where industry is blessed with unexampled rewards and the bread of the workingman is sweetened by the consciousness that the cause of the country "is his own cause, his own safety, his own dignity." Here everyone enjoys the free use of his faculties and the choice of activity as a natural right. Here, under the combined influence of a fruitful soil, genial climes, and happy institutions, population has increased fifteen-fold within a century. Here, through the easy development of boundless resources, wealth has increased with twofold greater rapidity than numbers, so that we have become secure against the financial vicissitudes of other countries and, alike in business and in opinion, are self-centered and truly independent. Here more and more care is given to provide education for everyone born on our soil. Here religion, released from political connection with the civil government, refuses to subserve the craft of statesmen, and becomes in its independence the spiritual life of the people. Here toleration is extended to every opinion, in the quiet certainty that truth needs only a fair field to secure the victory. Here the human mind goes forth unshackled in the pursuit of science, to collect stores of knowledge and acquire an ever-increasing mastery over the forces of nature. Here the national domain is offered and held in millions of separate freeholds, so that our fellow-citizens, beyond the occupants of any other part of the earth, constitute in reality a people. Here exists the democratic form of government; and that form of government, by the confession of European statesmen," gives a power of which no other form is capable, because it incorporates every man with the state and arouses everything that belongs to the soul."
Where in past history, does a parallel exist to the public happiness which is within the reach of the people of the United States? Where in any part of the globe can institutions be found so suited to their habits or so entitled to their love as their own free Constitution? Every one of them, then, in whatever part of the land he has his home, must wish its perpetuity. Who of them will not now acknowledge, in the words of Washington, that "every step by which the people of the United States have advanced to the character of an independent nation seems to have been distinguished by some token of providential agency"? Who will not join with me in the prayer that the Invisible Hand which has led us through the clouds that gloomed around our path will so guide us onward to a perfect restoration of fraternal affection that we of this day may be able to transmit our great inheritance of State governments in all their rights, of the General Government in its whole constitutional vigor, to our posterity, and they to theirs through countless generations?
Proclamation 158 - Thanksgiving Day, 1866. October 8, 1866. Almighty God, our Heavenly Father, has been pleased to vouchsafe to us as a people another year of that national life which is an indispensable condition of peace, security, and progress. That year has, moreover, been crowned with many peculiar blessings.
The civil war that so recently closed among us has not been anywhere reopened; foreign intervention has ceased to excite alarm or apprehension; intrusive pestilence has been benignly mitigated; domestic tranquillity has improved, sentiments of conciliation have largely prevailed, and affections of loyalty and patriotism have been widely renewed; our fields have yielded quite abundantly, our mining industry has been richly rewarded, and we have been allowed to extend our railroad system far into the interior recesses of the country, while our commerce has resumed its customary activity in foreign seas.
These great national blessings demand a national acknowledgment. Now, therefore, I, Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, do hereby recommend that Thursday, the 29th day of November next, be set apart and be observed everywhere in the several States and Territories of the United States by the people thereof as a day of thanksgiving and praise to Almighty God, with due remembrance that "in His temple doth every man speak of His honor." I recommend also that on the same solemn occasion they do humbly and devoutly implore Him to grant to our national councils and to our whole people that divine wisdom which alone can lead any nation into the ways of all good.
In offering these national thanksgivings, praises, and supplications we have the divine assurance that "the Lord remaineth a king forever; them that are meek shall He guide in judgment and such as are gentle shall He learn His way; the Lord shall give strength to His people, and the Lord shall give to His people the blessing of peace."
In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed.
18th President of the United States. Read about Grant here and here.
WORKS
First Inaugural Address of Ulysses S. Grant. Thursday, March 4, 1869.
In conclusion I ask patient forbearance one toward another throughout the land, and a determined effort on the part of every citizen to do his share toward cementing a happy union; and I ask the prayers of the nation to Almighty God in behalf of this consummation.
Second Inaugural Address of Ulysses S. Grant. Tuesday, March 4, 1873.
Under Providence I have been called a second time to act as Executive over this great nation. It has been my endeavor in the past to maintain all the laws, and, so far as lay in my power, to act for the best interests of the whole people. My best efforts will be given in the same direction in the future, aided, I trust, by my four years' experience in the office.
... I say here, however, that I do not share in the apprehension held by many as to the danger of governments becoming weakened and destroyed by reason of their extension of territory. Commerce, education, and rapid transit of thought and matter by telegraph and steam have changed all this. Rather do I believe that our Great Maker is preparing the world, in His own good time, to become one nation, speaking one language, and when armies and navies will be no longer required.
Hayes, Rutherford B.
(1822-1893)
19th President of the United States. Read more about Hayes here, here and here.
WORKS
Inaugural Address, March 5, 1877.
Looking for the guidance of that Divine Hand by which the destinies of nations and individuals are shaped, I call upon you, Senators, Representatives, judges, fellow-citizens, here and everywhere, to unite with me in an earnest effort to secure to our country the blessings, not only of material prosperity, but of justice, peace, and union--a union depending not upon the constraint of force, but upon the loving devotion of a free people; "and that all things may be so ordered and settled upon the best and surest foundations that peace and happiness, truth and justice, religion and piety, may be established among us for all generations."
Diary and Letters of Rutherford B. Hayes. Volume 1. CHAPTER VI, STUDYING LAW, 1842-1845 -- AT COLUMBUS AND AT THE HARVARD LAW SCHOOL. Cambridge, August 28, 1843, p. 112.
After having studied law for ten months under friend Sparrow in Columbus, it was deemed best that I should enter the Law School of Harvard University, where I could receive the instructions of those eminent jurists and teachers, Story and Greenleaf. In accordance with this opinion of myself and friends, I came here and entered the Law School last week. The term commences today. Whatever resolution and ability I have shall now be brought out. I have much lost time to regain and my mind to discipline. The institution, teachers, and students I like.
Cambridge, August 29, 1843.--Read Blackstone again and again--incomparable for the beauty and chasteness of its style, the amount and profundity of its learning.
Diary and Letters of Rutherford B. Hayes. Volume 1. CHAPTER VI, STUDYING LAW, 1842-1845 -- AT COLUMBUS AND AT THE HARVARD LAW SCHOOL. September 1, 1843, p. 113.
I have now finished my first week in the Law School. I have studied hard and am confident that my real gain is as great as I should have had in two weeks in an office. Our lectures have all the advantages of recitations and lectures combined, without their disadvantages. We have no formal lectures. Professors Story and Greenleaf illustrate and explain as they proceed. Mr. Greenleaf is very searching and logical in examination. It is impossible for one who has not faithfully studied the text to escape exposing his ignorance; he keeps the subject constantly in view, never stepping out of his way for the purpose of introducing his own experience.
Judge Story, on the other hand, is very general in his questions so that a person well skilled in words affirmative and negative shakings of the head need never more than glance at the text to be able to answer his interrogatories. He is very fond of digressions to introduce amusing anecdotes, high-wrought eulogies of the sages of the law, and fragments of his own experience. He is generally very interesting, often quite eloquent. His manner of speaking is almost precisely like that of Corwin. In short, as a lecturer he is a very different man from what you would expect of an old and eminent judge; not but that he is great, but he is so interesting and fond of good stories. His amount of knowledge is prodigious.
Diary and Letters of Rutherford B. Hayes. Volume 1. CHAPTER VI, STUDYING LAW, 1842-1845 -- AT COLUMBUS AND AT THE HARVARD LAW SCHOOL. February 26, p. 145.
The summer session of the Law School commenced today. One hundred and six students made their appearance. Professor Greenleaf made the opening address. The only thing in it worthy of remark was his idea of a lawyer. "A lawyer is engaged in the highest of all human, pursuits, the application of the soundest reason and purest morality to the ordinary affairs of life. He should have a clear head and a true heart always acting at his fingers' ends."
Diary and Letters of Rutherford B. Hayes. Volume 1. CHAPTER VI, STUDYING LAW, 1842-1845 -- AT COLUMBUS AND AT THE HARVARD LAW SCHOOL. February 27, p. 146.
Heard Mr. Greenleaf's introductory lecture in Kent and Cruise. In addition to the writers on the laws of nations mentioned by Mr. Kent, he spoke of Wheaton as one of the best compilers of the true doctrines who has yet treated of the subject. The great English writer he said was a mere case lawyer who seldom ventured into the water, but hugged the shore, sailing from headland to headland. The style of Kent, I have heard, was vague and general; such as to leave no clear and distinct ideas upon the mind. I do not find it so. From one day's acquaintance, I have ventured to form a favorable opinion of the "Commentaries."
Diary and Letters of Rutherford B. Hayes. Volume 1. CHAPTER VI, STUDYING LAW, 1842-1845 -- AT COLUMBUS AND AT THE HARVARD LAW SCHOOL. May 26, p. 151.
I heard Dr. Walker preach this morning from the text, "Faith without works is dead." Luther found so much in
the Epistle of James which conflicted with his own favorite doctrines, that he pronounced it "strange." And others have thought it of little worth because Christ is mentioned but once or twice and then coldly; because the doctrines of the resurrection and regeneration are scarcely noticed; and because it treats so much of the principles of mere morality. But these are not good reasons for putting up one inspired writer above another--Paul above James. It would rather seem to be wise to adopt views by which passages apparently conflicting may be harmonized and discrepancies explained and reconciled.
The great controversy concerning faith and works depends, in a great measure, for its origin and continuance on the ambiguity of the two words, faith and works. If by works is meant the mere outward act, there may be salvation without works, as a man may have great generosity without the opportunity or means of exhibiting it. So, on the other hand, the acts of generosity may be performed without merit. If by faith is meant only the intellectual acts of belief and approval of what is true and good, this without works is dead. But if by faith is meant the internal disposition, which will manifest itself in outward acts whenever opportunity occurs, this faith is essential to salvation. So that while Paul and James use different language, their doctrines are the same; they view the subject from different positions, but their views are the same. Paul looks to the origin of the act, James to the consummation of the disposition. It is interesting in this connection to trace the differences between the Jewish and the Christian dispensation. That was a dispensation of works, this of faith. In that, the external rites and observance were the all important. In this, the feelings, the heart is regarded. In another aspect, the difference appears striking. The religion of the Bible is one of obedience and progress. The Old Testament contains a system of rules to be strictly followed in forms and ceremonies, suited to the childhood of our race in this respect. The New Testament looks to principles of action; if these are right all is right. But rules may be outgrown, while principles are eternal. So that while the Jewish dispensation, being temporary, has passed away, the Christian is eternal and must remain.
Now, in the use of the writings of the two apostles, we must consider the crying sin of the age in which we live and the people before whom we appear. If it is to speculation and mysticism, then the efficacy of works, as appears in the Epistle of James, should be preached; if to outward observances, pompous ceremony, rites, etc., then justification by faith as declared by Paul should be proclaimed.
Diary and Letters of Rutherford B. Hayes. Volume 1, Chapter 7. BEGINNING LAW PRACTICE--LOWER SANDUSKY, 1845-1848. April 15, 1845, p. 163.
[According to] D'Aubigne's "History of the Reformation," Christianity has two features which especially distinguish it from all human systems: (1) That the only mediator between God and man is Jesus Christ. (2) That salvation is a gift of God--a matter of grace. . . . D'Aubigne constantly affirms that, in his opinion, the Reformation was the immediate work of the Divine hand.
Now, it seems to me that Providence interferes no more in the greatest affairs of men than in the smallest, and that neither individuals nor nations are any more the objects of a special interposition of the Divine Ruler than the inanimate things of the world. The Creator gave to every creature of his hand its laws at the time of its creation and whatever can happen in accordance with those laws He doubtless foresaw, and it cannot be supposed that his laws are so imperfect that special interpositions are necessary to render them capable of fulfilling their design, nor that it is possible for them to be violated. The Reformation like other revolutions was agreeable to principles which have existed since the world began.
Diary and Letters of Rutherford B. Hayes. Volume 1, Chapter 7. BEGINNING LAW PRACTICE--LOWER SANDUSKY, 1845-1848. May 7, 1845, p. 164.
I am now fairly settled. Let me see how I will arrange my plans for study and business. Read Greenleaf's "Evidence" and Story's "Agency" so as to finish them both in six weeks. Read a chapter in the Testament (German); one case a week in Smith's "Leading Cases" touching some topic of "Agency" or "Evidence." Read a little Bacon and Burke; study Livy an hour in the morning, and logic at night. Poetry and light literature Sunday. Attend church regularly, and do all my business promptly.
Diary and Letters of Rutherford B. Hayes. Volume 1, Chapter 9. ESTABLISHING PRACTICE IN CINCINNATI, 1850. February 10, p. 281.
Finished Starkie on "Evidence" yesterday. Shall tomorrow begin Greenleaf, reading it in connection with the Ohio Reports. During the last week have read pretty diligently with friend Herron Story's "Promissory Notes," in connection with Ohio Reports. Shall continue it next week. Shall
also add logic and to speak German to my list of studies. I have called on Dr. Schmidt, and from my conversation with him think a little brushing up of my German may be well "worth my while."
This forenoon heard Dr. Humphrey, of Louisville, son of old President Humphrey of Amherst, preach in the First Presbyterian Church. He is a graceful, animated, and entertaining speaker, without much depth or strength.
Diary and Letters of Rutherford B. Hayes. Volume 3, Chapter 27. GOVERNOR OF OHIO -- FIRST TERM, 1868-1869. COLUMBUS, OHIO, November 13, 1869, p. 72.
I have the Thanksgiving proclamations of twenty-seven
States--all recognizing religion, nearly all the religion of the Bible, and several the Divinity of Christ. More are coming, doubtless. Our Legislature for many years has passed a joint resolution annually authorizing a thanksgiving and frequently in terms which recognized the religion of the Bible. The last Legislature omitted to do so by a mere accident this year, but in [the] Sixty-fifth volume Ohio Laws, page 306, passed one last year. If you wish to borrow my bundle of Thanksgiving proclamations I will send them to you. All state institutions have religious exercises, some of them chaplains paid under state laws. The meetings of the two houses of the General Assembly are always opened with prayer in accordance, sometimes, with resolutions (passed unanimously usually), and sometimes by common consent. The inaugurations of governors are prefaced by religious exercises.
Diary and Letters of Rutherford B. Hayes. Volume 3, Chapter 27. GOVERNOR OF OHIO -- FIRST TERM, 1868-1869. COLUMBUS, OHIO, November 10, 1869, p. 70.
I take the Bible side, largely because this war on the Good Book is in disguise a war on all free schools.
... Looking for the guidance of that Divine Hand by which the destinies of nations and individuals are shaped, I call upon you, Senators, Representatives, judges, fellow-citizens, here and everywhere, to unite with me in an earnest effort to secure to our country the blessings, not only of material prosperity, but of justice, peace, and union--a union depending not upon the constraint of force, but upon the loving devotion of a free people; "and that all things may be so ordered and settled upon the best and surest foundations that peace and happiness, truth and justice, religion and piety, may be established among us for all generations."
Diary and Letters of Rutherford B. Hayes. Volume 3, Chapter 36. PRESIDENT - SECOND YEAR - CIVIL SERVICE REFORM - POTTER INVESTIGATION - RESUMPTION OF SPECIE PAYMENTS - VETO OF CHINESE EXCLUSION BILL. March 18, 1878, p. 469. Hayes lists his daily agenda.
I rise at about 7 A. M.; write until breakfast, about 8:30 A. M. After breakfast, prayers - i. e., the reading of a chapter in the Bible, each one present reading a verse in turn, and all kneeling repeat the Lord's Prayer; then, usually, write and arrange business until 10 A. M. ... My health is now, and usually, excellent. I have gone to church at least once every Sunday since I became President.
Diary and Letters of Rutherford B. Hayes. Volume 4, Chapter 40. REVIEW OF ADMINISTRATION--ITS MANY ACHIEVEMENTS--PARTICIPATION IN LOCAL INTERESTS--ATTITUDE TOWARD NEWSPAPER ABUSE -- FIRST MEETING OF SLATER TRUSTEES -- INDUSTRIAL EDUCATION - GREAT FLOODS IN OHIO -- DECEMBER, 1881-FEBRUARY, 1883. April 30, p. 75.
In the afternoon Lucy and I attended the laying of the corner-stone of the large new Catholic church--the St. Joseph's Church. We were much interested in the ceremonies. Bishop Gilmore delivered a strong and interesting address on the topic, "The public has a right to know what doctrines will be
taught in the building whose corner-stone we have just laid." It was liberal and fair. For the most part it would have been approved by Christians generally. He said among other things that our institutions were founded by earnest Christian people; especially was this the case in New England and Maryland. Although freedom of conscience as to forms and sects is secured in our Constitution, yet the Christian religion is at the foundation.
Diary and Letters of Rutherford B. Hayes. Volume 4, Chapter 41. GARFIELD'S CHARACTER -- PROGRESS IN THE SOUTH--LIBERALITY TO THE CHURCH -- DEVOTION TO THE CAUSE OF EDUCATION -- PRESIDENT NATIONAL PRISON ASSOCIATION -- PAYNE'S ELECTION TO SENATE BAD POLITICS -- INTEREST IN WESTERN RESERVE UNIVERSITY -- THE CINCINNATI RIOT -- NOMINATIONS OF BLAINE AND CLEVELAND -- 1883-1884. October 15, p. 168
Our County Bible Society holds its yearly meeting soon. As one of the vice-presidents of the general society of the county, as a non-church member, a non-professor of religion, I may say why men of the world, friends of their country and of their race, should support the religion of the Bible--the Christian religion. To worship -- "the great Creator to adore" -- the wish to establish relations with the Omnipotent Power which made the universe, and which controls it, is a deeply seated principle of
human nature. It is found among all races of men. It is well-nigh universal. All peoples have some religion. In our day men who cast off the Christian religion show the innate tendency by spending time and effort in Spiritualism. If the God of the Bible is dethroned the goddess of reason is set up. Religion al-
ways has been, always will be. Now, the best religion the world has ever had is the religion of Christ. A man or a community adopting it is virtuous, prosperous, and happy.
Byron has said, "If our God was man -- or man, God-- Christ was both"; and continuing he said, "I never arraigned his creed, but the use--or abuse--made of it."
What a great mistake the man makes who goes about to oppose this religion! What a crime, if we may judge of men's acts by their results! Nay, what a great mistake is made by him who does not support the religion of the Bible!
Diary and Letters of Rutherford B. Hayes. Volume 4, Chapter 43. THE DEATH OF GENERAL GRANT -- ACTION IN BEHALF OF NATIONAL MONUMENT -- REUNION OF OLD REGIMENT -- REGRETS CONTINUED WAVING OF "BLOODY SHIRT" -- FORAKER ELECTED GOVERNOR -- DEATH OF HENDRICKS -- DANGERS OF VAST FORTUNES -- 1885-1886.
November 9, p. 247.
I must sometime maintain my proposition that a non-professor of religion - "a mere
man of the world"--who wishes well to his country and his fellow men ought actively to aid in the circulation of the Bible, and in adding to its influence. The general course of my argument is this: All peoples will have some religion. Death leads the mind to consider the future, to a contemplation of Deity.
Hence religion, or this is religion. Now, the best religion the world has ever known is the religion of the Bible. It builds up all that is good. It suppresses or diminishes all that is bad. With it men are happy and nations are prosperous. Where it is not found vice and crime prevail.
Diary and Letters of Rutherford B. Hayes. Volume 4, Chapter 50. VISIT TO BERMUDA -- THE MANY COURTESIES RECEIVED--RELIGIOUS CONVICTIONS--PRESIDES AT FIRST MOHONK NEGRO CONFERENCE -- SPEAKS AT OTTAWA, KANSAS -- PIONEER MEETING AT DELAWARE -- INTEREST IN WESTERN RESERVE UNIVERSITY -- DEATH
OF GENERAL NOYES -- APRIL-OCTOBER, 1890. May 17, 1890, p. 574.
Writing a few words for Mohonk Negro Conference, I find myself using the word Christian. I am not
a subscriber to any creed. I belong to no church. But in a sense, satisfactory to myself and believed by me to be important, I try to be a Christian, or rather I want to be a Christian and to help do Christian work.
Diary and Letters of Rutherford B. Hayes. Volume 4, Chapter 51. LOYAL LEGION ACTIVITIES -- MRS. DAVIS'S "IN MEMORIAM" -- VISIT TO CHICAGO -- STANLEY AT TOLEDO -- DEATH OF DOCTOR JOHN DAVIS -- REVIEW OF MRS. HAYES'S LIFE -- DEATH OF GENERAL DEVENS -- WEALTH AND POVERTY -- DEATH OF GENERAL SHER-
MAN -- EXPENSES IN WHITE HOUSE -- OCTOBER 1890-APRIL 1891. November 24, p. 615.
The religion of the Bible is the best in the world. I see the infinite value of religion. Let it be always encouraged. A world of superstition and folly have grown up around its forms and ceremonies. But the truth in it is one of the deep sentiments in human nature.
Diary and Letters of Rutherford B. Hayes. Volume 5, Chapter 54. PRESIDENTIAL NOMINATIONS 1892 -TRIP TO NEW ENGLAND, ADDRESS AT FRAMINGHAM - G. A. R. ENCAMPMENT AT WASHINGTON, MARCHES IN PROCESSION - THE LESSON OF SEVENTY YEARS -- MOHONK INDIAN CONFERENCE- AT CHICAGO FOR COLUMBIAN FAIR
DEDICATION - DEATH OF MRS. HARRISON - ELECTION OF CLEVELAND - LAST ACTIVITIES - 1892-1893.
January 8, p. 143.
I am a Christian according to my conscience in belief, not of course in character and conduct, but in purpose and wish;-- not of course by the orthodox standard. But I am content, and have a feeling of trust and safety.
Diary and Letters of Rutherford B. HayesThe Sketch, p. 96.
Rutherford Birchard Hayes was born in Delaware, Ohio, October 4, 1822. He began to prepare for college
in the law office of Sherman Finch in Delaware in 1834. He continued his preparatory studies at Norwalk Seminary 1835-1836, and at the school of Isaac Webb in Middletown, Connecticut, 1837-1838 and entered Kenyon College, Gambier, Ohio, in October or November 1838. He graduated August 3, 1842. He began the study of law at Columbus, Ohio, October 1842, and completed his preparation for the bar at the law school
of Harvard College 1843-1845 under Justice Story and Professor Greenleaf. He was admitted to the [bar] at Marietta, Ohio, in 1845--March 10--and began the practice of his profession at Lower Sandusky, Ohio (now Fremont, Ohio). ...
20th President of the United States. Attorney, minister, educator, soldier. Read about Garfield here, here and here.
WORKS
Inaugural Address, March 4, 1881.
My countrymen, we do not now differ in our judgment concerning the controversies of past generations, and fifty years hence our children will not be divided in their opinions concerning our controversies. They will surely bless their fathers and their fathers' God that the Union was preserved, that slavery was overthrown, and that both races were made equal before the law. We may hasten or we may retard, but we can not prevent, the final reconciliation. Is it not possible for us now to make a truce with time by anticipating and accepting its inevitable verdict?
... I shall greatly rely upon the wisdom and patriotism of Congress and of those who may share with me the responsibilities and duties of administration, and, above all, upon our efforts to promote the welfare of this great people and their Government I reverently invoke the support and blessings of Almighty God.
Burke Hinsdale, editor. The Works of James Abram Garfield. Boston: James R. Osgood and Company, 1883.
Volume 1 of 2;
It is well to know the history of those magnificent nations whose origin is lost in fable, and whose epitaphs were written a thousand years ago; but if we cannot know both, it is far better to study the history of our own nation, whose origin we can trace to the freest and noblest aspirations of the human heart,-- a nation that was formed from the hardiest, purest, and most enduring elements of European civilization, -- a nation that, by its faith and courage, has dared and accomplished more for the human race in a single century than Europe accomplished in the first thousand years of the Christian era.
The New England township was the type after which our Federal government was modelled; yet it would be rare to find a college student who can make a comprehensive and intelligent statement of the municipal organization of the township in which he lives, and tell you by what officers its legislative, judicial, and executive functions are administered. One half of the time which is now almost wholly wasted in district schools on English grammar, attempted at too early an age, would be sufficient to teach our children to love the republic, and to become its loyal and life-long supporters. After the bloody baptism from which the nation has arisen to a higher and nobler life, if this shameful defect in our system of education be not speedily remedied, we shall deserve the infinite contempt of future generations. I insist that it should be made an indispensable condition of graduation in every American college, that the student must understand the history of this continent since its discovery by Europeans; the origin and history of the United States, its constitution of government, the struggles through which it has passed, and the rights and duties of citizens who are to determine its destiny and share its glory.
I Having(thus gained the knowledge which is necessary to life, health, industry, and citizenship, the student! is prepared to enter a wider and grander field of thought. If he desires that large and liberal culture which will call into activity all his powers, and make the most of the material God has given him, he jmust study deeply and earnestly the intellectual, the moral, the religious, and the aesthetic nature of man -- his relations to nature, to civilization past and present, and, above all, his relations to God. These should occupy nearly, if not fully, half the time of his college course. In connection with the philosophy of the mind, he should study logic, the pure mathematics, and the general laws of thought. In connection with moral philosophy, he should study political and social ethics, a science so little known either in colleges or congresses. Prominent among all the rest should be his study of the wonderful history of the human race, in its slow and toilsome march across the centuries; -- now buried in ignorance, superstition, and crime; now rising to the sublimity of heroism, and catching a glimpse of a better destiny; now turning remorselessly away from, and leaving to perish, empires and civilizations in which it had invested its faith and courage and boundless energy for a thousand years, and plunging into the forests of Germany, Gaul, and Britain, to build for itself new empires, better fitted for its new aspirations; and at last crossing three thousand miles of unknown sea, and building in the wilderness of a new hemisphere its latest and proudest monuments. To know this as it ought to be known requires not only a knowledge of general history, but a thorough understanding of such works as Guizot's "History of Civilization" and Draper's "Intellectual Development of Europe," and also the rich literature of ancient and modern nations. Of course, our colleges cannot be expected to lead the student through all the paths of this great field of learning; but they should at least point out its boundaries, and let him taste a few clusters from its richest vines. -- pp. 272-273.
Volume 2 of 2.
"Luther was the first to perceive that Christian schools were
an absolute necessity. In a celebrated paper addressed to the
municipal councillors of the Empire in 1524, he demanded the
establishment of schools in all the villages of Germany. To tolerate ignorance was, in the energetic language of the reformer, to make common cause with the Devil."
Just now, too, the day of sentimental politics is passing away, and the work of Congress is more nearly allied to the business interests of the country and to "the dismal science," as political economy is called by the "practical men" of our time. The legislation of Congress comes much nearer to the daily life of the people than ever before. Twenty years ago, the presence of the national government was not felt by one citizen in a hundred. Except in paying his postage and receiving his mail, the citizen of the interior rarely came in contact with the national authority. Now, he meets it in a thousand ways. For merely the legislation of Congress referred chiefly to our foreign
relations, to indirect taxes, to the government of the army, the navy, and the Territories. Now, a vote in Congress may, any day, seriously derange the business affairs of every citizen.
And this leads me to say that now, more than ever before,
the people are responsible for the character of their Congress.
If that body be ignorant, reckless, and corrupt, it is because the
people tolerate ignorance, recklessness, and corruption. If it
be intelligent, brave, and pure, it is because the people demand
those high qualities to represent them in the national legislature.
Congress lives in the blaze of "that fierce light which beats
against the throne." The telegraph and the press will to-morrow
morning announce at a million breakfast-tables what has been
said and done in Congress to-day. Now, as always, Congress
represents the prevailing opinions and political aspirations of
the people. The wildest delusions of paper money, the crudest
theories of taxation, the passions and prejudices that find expression in the Senate and House, were first believed and discussed at the firesides of the people, on the corners of the streets, and in the caucuses and conventions of political parties.
The most alarming feature of our situation is the fact that so
many citizens of high character and solid judgment pay but
little attention to the sources of political power, to the selection
of those who shall make their laws. The clergy, the faculties
of colleges, and many of the leading business men of the community, never attend the township caucus, the city primary, or
the county convention; but they allow the less intelligent and
the more selfish and corrupt members of the community to "make the slates" and "run the machine" of politics. They wait until the "machine" has done its work, and then, in surprise and horror at the ignorance and corruption in public office, sigh for the return of that mythical period called the "better
and purer days of the republic." It is precisely this neglect of
the first steps in our political processes that has made possible
the worst evils of our system. Corrupt and incompetent presidents, judges, and legislators can be removed; but when the fountains of political power are corrupted, when voters themselves become venal and elections fraudulent, there is no remedy except by awakening the public conscience and bringing to bear upon the subject the power of public opinion and the penalties
of the law.
***
The Constitution guarantees absolute religious freedom. Congress is prohibited from making any law respecting an establishment of religion or prohibiting the free exercise thereof. The Territories of the United States are subject to the direct legislative authority of Congress, and hence the General Government is responsible for any violation of the Constitution in any of them. It is therefore a reproach to the Government that in the most populous of the Territories the constitutional guaranty is not enjoyed by the people and the authority of Congress is set at naught. The Mormon Church not only offends the moral sense of manhood by sanctioning polygamy, but prevents the administration of justice through ordinary instrumentalities of law.
In my judgment it is the duty of Congress, while respecting to the uttermost the conscientious convictions and religious scruples of every citizen, to prohibit within its jurisdiction all criminal practices, especially of that class which destroy the family relations and endanger social order. Nor can any ecclesiastical organization be safely permitted to usurp in the smallest degree the functions and powers of the National Government.
... I shall greatly rely upon the wisdom and patriotism of Congress and of those who may share with me the responsibilities and duties of administration, and, above all, upon our efforts to promote the welfare of this great people and their Government I reverently invoke the support and blessings of Almighty God.
Inaugural Address of James A. Garfield. Friday, March 4, 1881.
"I shall greatly rely upon the wisdom and patriotism of Congress and of those who may share with me the responsibilities and duties of administration, and, above all, upon our efforts to promote the welfare of this great people and their Government I reverently invoke the support and blessings of Almighty God."
Arthur, Chester Alan
(1830-1886)
21st President of the United States. Episcopalian. Read about Arthur here, here, here, here, and here.
WORKS
Address Upon Assuming the Office of President of the United States, September 22, 1881. The Constitution defines the functions and powers of the executive as clearly as those of either of the other two departments of the Government, and he must answer for the just exercise of the discretion it permits and the performance of the duties it imposes. Summoned to these high duties and responsibilities and profoundly conscious of their magnitude and gravity, I assume the trust imposed by the Constitution, relying for aid on divine guidance and the virtue, patriotism, and intelligence of the American people.
Proclamation 250 - Day of Mourning for James A. Garfield, September 22, 1881. Whereas in His inscrutable wisdom it has pleased God to remove from us the illustrious head of the nation, James A. Garfield, late President of the United States; and Whereas it is fitting that the deep grief which fills all hearts should manifest itself with one accord toward the throne of infinite grace, and that we should bow before the Almighty and seek from Him that consolation in our affliction and that sanctification of our loss which He is able and willing to vouchsafe:
Now, therefore, in obedience to sacred duty and in accordance with the desire of the people, I, Chester A. Arthur, President of the United States of America, do hereby appoint Monday next, the 26th day of September--on which day the remains of our honored and beloved dead will be consigned to their last resting place on earth--to be observed throughout the United States as a day of humiliation and mourning; and I earnestly recommend all the people to assemble on that day in their respective places of divine worship, there to render alike their tribute of sorrowful submission to the will of Almighty God and of reverence and love for the memory and character of our late Chief Magistrate.
In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed.
Proclamation 252 - Thanksgiving Day, 1881
November 4, 1881. It has long been the pious custom of our people, with the closing of the year, to look back upon the blessings brought to them in the changing course of the seasons and to return solemn thanks to the allgiving source from whom they flow. And although at this period, when the failing leaf admonishes us that the time of our sacred duty is at hand, our nation still lies in the shadow of a great bereavement, and the mourning which has filled our hearts still finds its sorrowful expression toward the God before whom we but lately bowed in grief and supplication, yet the countless benefits which have showered upon us during the past twelvemonth call for our fervent gratitude and make it fitting that we should rejoice with thankfulness that the Lord in His infinite mercy has most signally favored our country and our people. Peace without and prosperity within have been vouchsafed to us, no pestilence has visited our shores, the abundant privileges of freedom which our fathers left us in their wisdom are still our increasing heritage; and if in parts of our vast domain sore affliction has visited our brethren in their forest homes, yet even this calamity has been tempered and in a manner sanctified by the generous compassion for the sufferers which has been called forth throughout our land. For all these things it is meet that the voice of the nation should go up to God in devout homage.
Wherefore I, Chester A. Arthur, President of the United States, do recommend that all the people observe Thursday, the 24th day of November instant, as a day of national thanksgiving and prayer, by ceasing, so far as may be, from their secular labors and meeting in their several places of worship, there to join in ascribing honor and praise to Almighty God, whose goodness has been so manifest in our history and in our lives, and offering earnest prayers that His bounties may continue to us and to our children.
In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed.
First Annual Message, December 6, 1881.
To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States:
An appalling calamity has befallen the American people since their chosen representatives last met in the halls where you are now assembled. We might else recall with unalloyed content the rare prosperity with which throughout the year the nation has been blessed. Its harvests have been plenteous; its varied industries have thriven; the health of its people has been preserved; it has maintained with foreign governments the undisturbed relations of amity and peace. For these manifestations of His favor we owe to Him who holds our destiny in His hands the tribute of our grateful devotion.
To that mysterious exercise of His will which has taken from us the loved and illustrious citizen who was but lately the head of the nation we bow in sorrow and submission.
Proclamation 254 - Thanksgiving Day, 1882,
October 25, 1882. In conformity with a custom the annual observance of which is justly held in honor by this people, I, Chester A. Arthur, President of the United States, do hereby set apart Thursday, the 30th day of November next, as a day of public thanksgiving.
The blessings demanding our gratitude are numerous and varied. For the peace and amity which subsist between this Republic and all the nations of the world; for the freedom from internal discord and violence; for the increasing friendship between the different sections of the land; for liberty, justice, and constitutional government; for the devotion of the people to our free institutions and their cheerful obedience to mild laws; for the constantly increasing strength of the Republic while extending its privileges to fellow-men who come to us; for the improved means of internal communication and the increased facilities of intercourse with other nations; for the general prevailing health of the year; for the prosperity of all our industries, the liberal return for the mechanic's toil affording a market for the abundant harvests of the husbandman; for the preservation of the national faith and credit; for wise and generous provision to effect the intellectual and moral education of our youth; for the influence upon the conscience of a restraining and transforming religion, and for the joys of home--for these and for many other blessings we should give thanks.
Wherefore I do recommend that the day above designated be observed throughout the country as a day of national thanksgiving and prayer, and that the people, ceasing from their daily labors and meeting in accordance with their several forms of worship, draw near to the throne of Almighty God, offering to Him praise and gratitude for the manifold goodness which He has vouchsafed to us and praying that His blessings and His mercies may continue.
And I do further recommend that the day thus appointed be made a special occasion for deeds of kindness and charity to the suffering and the needy, so that all who dwell within the land may rejoice and be glad in this season of national thanksgiving.
In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed.
Second Annual Message, December 4, 1882. The closing year has been replete with blessings, for which we owe to the Giver of All Good our reverent acknowledgment. For the uninterrupted harmony of our foreign relations, for the decay of sectional animosities, for the exuberance of our harvests and the triumphs of our mining and manufacturing industries, for the prevalence of health, the spread of intelligence, and the conservation of the public credit, for the growth of the country in all the elements of national greatness--for these and countless other blessings we should rejoice and be glad. I trust that under the inspiration of this great prosperity our counsels may be harmonious, and that the dictates of prudence, patriotism, justice, and economy may lead to the adoption of measures in which the Congress and the Executive may heartily unite.
22nd and 24th President of the United States. The First Democrat elected after the Civil War. Read about Grover Cleveland here, here, and here.
WORKS
Inaugural Address, March 4, 1885.
Our duties are practical and call for industrious application, an intelligent perception of the claims of public office, and, above all, a firm determination, by united action, to secure to all the people of the land the full benefits of the best form of government ever vouchsafed to man. And let us not trust to human effort alone, but humbly acknowledging the power and goodness of Almighty God, who presides over the destiny of nations, and who has at all times been revealed in our country's history, let us invoke His aid and His blessings upon our labors.
...I am willing to-believe that, notwithstanding the aid already furnished, a donation of seed grain to the farmers located in this region, to enable them to put in new crops, would serve to avert a continuance or return of an unfortunate blight.
And yet I feel obliged to withhold my approval of the plan, as proposed by this bill, to indulge a benevolent and charitable sentiment through the appropriation of public funds for that purpose.
I can find no warrant for such an appropriation in the Constitution, and I do not believe that the power and duty of the General Government ought to be extended to the relief of individual suffering which is in no manner properly related to the public service or benefit. A prevalent tendency to disregard the limited mission of this power and duty should, I think, be steadfastly resisted, to the end that the lesson should be constantly enforced that though the people support the Government the Government should not support the people.
The friendliness and charity of our countrymen can always be relied upon to relieve their fellow-citizens in misfortune. This has been repeatedly and quite lately demonstrated. Federal aid in such cases encourages the expectation of paternal care on the part of the Government and weakens the sturdiness of our national character, while it prevents the indulgence among our people of that kindly sentiment and conduct which strengthens the bonds of a common brotherhood.
Inaugural Address, March 4, 1893.
In obedience of the mandate of my countrymen I am about to dedicate myself to their service under the sanction of a solemn oath. Deeply moved by the expression of confidence and personal attachment which has called me to this service, I am sure my gratitude can make no better return than the pledge I now give before God and these witnesses of unreserved and complete devotion to the interests and welfare of those who have honored me.
... It can not be doubted that our stupendous achievements as a people and our country's robust strength have given rise to heedlessness of those laws governing our national health which we can no more evade than human life can escape the laws of God and nature.
... Above all, I know there is a Supreme Being who rules the affairs of men and whose goodness and mercy have always followed the American people, and I know He will not turn from us now if we humbly and reverently seek His powerful aid.
Henry Franklin Graff. Grover Cleveland. Published by Macmillan, 2002. 154 pp. Limited preview.
Harrison, Benjamin
(1833-1901)
23rd President of the United States. Read about Benjamin Harrison here, here, here, and here.
"My promise is spoken; yours unspoken, but not the less real and solemn. The people of every State have here their representatives. Surely I do not misinterpret the spirit of the occasion when I assume that the whole body of the people covenant with me and with each other to-day to support and defend the Constitution and the Union of the States, to yield willing obedience to all the laws and each to every other citizen his equal civil and political rights. Entering thus solemnly into covenant with each other, we may reverently invoke and confidently expect the favor and help of Almighty God--that He will give to me wisdom, strength, and fidelity, and to our people a spirit of fraternity and a love of righteousness and peace.
"... If in any of the States the public security is thought to be threatened by ignorance among the electors, the obvious remedy is education. The sympathy and help of our people will not be withheld from any community struggling with special embarrassments or difficulties connected with the suffrage if the remedies proposed proceed upon lawful lines and are promoted by just and honorable methods. How shall those who practice election frauds recover that respect for the sanctity of the ballot which is the first condition and obligation of good citizenship? The man who has come to regard the ballot box as a juggler's hat has renounced his allegiance.
"...No other people have a government more worthy of their respect and love or a land so magnificent in extent, so pleasant to look upon, and so full of generous suggestion to enterprise and labor. God has placed upon our head a diadem and has laid at our feet power and wealth beyond definition or calculation. But we must not forget that we take these gifts upon the condition that justice and mercy shall hold the reins of power and that the upward avenues of hope shall be free to all the people."
Inaugural Address, March 4, 1897.
In obedience to the will of the people, and in their presence, by the authority vested in me by this oath, I assume the arduous and responsible duties of President of the United States, relying upon the support of my countrymen and invoking the guidance of Almighty God. Our faith teaches that there is no safer reliance than upon the God of our fathers, who has so singularly favored the American people in every national trial, and who will not forsake us so long as we obey His commandments and walk humbly in His footsteps.
...It has been the policy of the United States since the foundation of the Government to cultivate relations of peace and amity with all the nations of the world, and this accords with my conception of our duty now. We have cherished the policy of non-interference with affairs of foreign governments wisely inaugurated by Washington, keeping ourselves free from entanglement, either as allies or foes, content to leave undisturbed with them the settlement of their own domestic concerns. It will be our aim to pursue a firm and dignified foreign policy, which shall be just, impartial, ever watchful of our national honor, and always insisting upon the enforcement of the lawful rights of American citizens everywhere. Our diplomacy should seek nothing more and accept nothing less than is due us. We want no wars of conquest; we must avoid the temptation of territorial aggression. War should never be entered upon until every agency of peace has failed; peace is preferable to war in almost every contingency. Arbitration is the true method of settlement of international as well as local or individual differences.
...Let me again repeat the words of the oath administered by the Chief Justice which, in their respective spheres, so far as applicable, I would have all my countrymen observe: "I will faithfully execute the office of President of the United States, and will, to the best of my ability, preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States." This is the obligation I have reverently taken before the Lord Most High. To keep it will be my single purpose, my constant prayer; and I shall confidently rely upon the forbearance and assistance of all the people in the discharge of my solemn responsibilities.
Roosevelt, Theodore
(1858-1919)
26th President of the United States. Read more about Theodore Roosevelt here.
I can not understand any American citizen who has the faintest feeling of patriotism and devotion to his country failing to appreciate what Dr. Geer put so well - the absolutely essential need of religion, using it in its broadest and deepest sense, to the welfare of this country. If it were not that in our villages and towns as they have grown up the churches have grown up in them, symbolizing the fact that there were among their foremost
workers men whose work was not for the things of the body but for the things of the soul, this would not be a nation today; because this country would
not be an abode fit for civilized men if it were not true that we put our material civilization, our material prosperity, as the base only (a necessary
foundation, a necessary base, but only as the base, as the foundation) upon which to build the super-structure of the higher spiritual life.
The Works of Theodore Roosevelt Volume 12. Executive edition. New York: P. F. Collier & Son, Publishers, 1901. "Christian Citizenship Address Before the Young Men's Christian Association," Carnegie Hall, New York, December 30, 1900:
"We ask that these Associations, and the men and women who take part in them, practice the Christian doctrines which are preached from every true pulpit. The Decalogue and the Golden Rule must stand as the foundation of every successful effort to better either our social or our political life. 'Fear the Lord and walk in his ways' and 'Love thy neighbor as thyself'--when we practice these two precepts, the reign of social and civic righteousness will be close at hand. Christianity teaches not only that each of us must so live as to save his own soul, but that each must also strive to do his whole duty by his neighbor. We can not live up to these teachings as we should; for in the presence of infinite might and infinite wisdom, the strength of the strongest man is but weakness, and the keenest of mortal eyes see but dimly. But each of us can at least strive, as light and strength are given him, toward the ideal. Effort along any one line will not suffice. We must not only be good, but strong. We must not only be high-minded, but brave-hearted. We must think loftily, and we must also work hard. It is not written in the Holy Book that we must merely be harmless as doves. It is also written that we must be wise as serpents. Craft unaccompanied by conscience makes the crafty man a social wild beast who preys on the community and must be hunted out of it. Gentleness and sweetness unbacked by strength and high resolve are almost impotent for good.
"The true Christian is the true citizen, lofty of purpose, resolute in endeavor, ready for a hero's deeds, but never looking down on his task because it is cast in the day of small things; scornful of baseness, awake to his own duties as well as to his rights, following the higher law with reverence, and in this world doing all that in him lies, so that when death comes he may feel that mankind is in some degree better because he has lived.
The Works of Theodore Roosevelt Memorial edition. Extracts from Volume 15. [New York: C. Scribner's sons, 1923-26] 24 volumes. fronts., plates, ports. 25 cm.
We have a right to demand that every man, native born or foreign born, shall in American public life act merely as an American. To quote a phrase I have used more than once before, we don't wish any hyphenated Americans; we do not wish you to act as Irish-Americans or British-Americans or native Americans, but as Americans pure and simple.
To the man who comes here from abroad in good faith, anxious to make his home with us and to assume the burdens as well as share the privileges of American hospitality, we stretch out promptly the hand of fellowship. We have a right to demand that he shall, in dealing with American affairs, leave his Old World prejudices and antipathies behind and act simply as an American; but if he does this it is an infamy to discriminate in any way against him because of creed or birthplace, and not to treat him simply on his own merits as compared with other American citizens. Indeed I go farther than calling it an outrage, I call it a crime against the body politic. It is a crime as thoroughly un-American, when discrimination is made against some man because of his religion or because of his national origin, as when it assumes the shape of action taken by some body of our citizens, because of Old World ties and interests.
It is an outrage for any body of American citizens to vote upon questions of American politics, or upon questions affecting American public and social life, as foreigners, to vote as Irish-americans, as German-Americans, or what not; and it is just as emphatically an outrage; it is, indeed, if anything, a worse outrage to vote against some good American because of considerations of creed or birthplace. It is a matter of humiliation to us that the party platforms should contain planks bidding for the Irish-American, the German-American, or the British-American vote, as the case may be.
It is not only necessary to Americanize the immigrants of foreign birth who settle among us, but it is even more necessary for those among us who are by birth and descent already Americans not to throw away our birthright, and, with incredible and contemptible folly, wander back to bow down before the alien gods whom our forefathers forsook. It is hard to believe that there is any necessity to warn Americans that, when they seek to model themselves on the lines of other civilizations, they make themselves the butts of all right-thinking men; and yet the necessity certainly exists to give this warning to many of our citizens who pride themselves on their standing in the world of art and letters, or, perchance, on what they would style their social leadership in the community. It is always better to be an original than an imitation, even when the imitation is of something better than the original; but what shall we say of the fool who is content to be an imitation of something worse? Even if the weaklings who seek to be other than Americans were right in deeming other nations to be better than their own, the fact yet remains that to be a first-class American is fifty-fold better than to be a second-class imitation of a Frenchman or Englishman. As a matter of fact, however, those of our countrymen who do believe in American inferiority are always individuals who, however cultivated, have some organic weakness in their moral or mental make-up; and the great mass of our people, who are robustly patriotic, and who have sound, healthy minds, are justified in regarding these feeble renegades with a half-impatient and half-amused scorn.
Roosevelt on Americanism. Morning Oregonian (Portland, OR) Monday, November 27, 1893; pg. 4; Issue 10,735; col B.
True American Ideals. The Forum (1886-1930). New York: February 1895. pp. 743-750.
Inaugural Address of Theodore Roosevelt. Saturday, March 4, 1905.
My fellow-citizens, no people on earth have more cause to be thankful than ours, and this is said reverently, in no spirit of boastfulness in our own strength, but with gratitude to the Giver of Good who has blessed us with the conditions which have enabled us to achieve so large a measure of well-being and of happiness. To us as a people it has been granted to lay the foundations of our national life in a new continent.
Oscar S. Straus. The Religion of Roosevelt. The Forum (1886-1930). New York: February 1923, pp. 1191-1197.
27th President of the United States. 10th Chief Justice of the Supreme Court. Unitarian. Read more about Taft here, here and here.
WORKS
Inaugural Address, March 4, 1909.
Having thus reviewed the questions likely to recur during my administration, and having expressed in a summary way the position which I expect to take in recommendations to Congress and in my conduct as an Executive, I invoke the considerate sympathy and support of my fellow-citizens and the aid of the Almighty God in the discharge of my responsible duties.
United States. President (1909-1913: Taft). By the President of the United States of America. A Proclamation, November 15, 1909.
The season of the year has returned when, in accordance with the reverent custom established by our forefathers, the people of the United States are wont to meet in their usual places of worship on a day of thanksgiving appointed by the civil magistrate, to return thanks to God for the great mercies and benefits which they have enjoyed.
During this past year we have been highly blessed. No great calamities of flood or tempest or epidemic sickness have befallen us. We have lived in quietness, undisturbed by wars or rumors of war. Peace and the plenty of bounteous crops and of great industrial production animate a cheerful and resolute people to all the renewed energies of beneficent industry and material and moral progress. It is altogether fitting that we should humbly and gratefully acknowledge the divine source of these blessings.
Therefore, I hereby appoint Thursday, the 25th day of November, as a day of general Thanksgiving, and I call upon the people on that day, laying aside their usual vocations, to repair to their churches and unite in appropriate services of praise and thanks to Almighty God.
In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed.
Done at the city of Washington, this 15th day of November in the year of our Lord one thousand nine hundred and nine, and of the independence of the United States the one hundred and thirty-fourth.
William H. Taft - 11/15/1909 Proclamation - Thanksgiving Day - 1909. This is the text of the November 15, 1909 William Howard Taft national Thanksgiving Day Proclamation.
United States. President (1909-1913: Taft). By the President of the United States of America. A Proclamation, November 5, 1910.
This year of 1910 is drawing to a close. The records of population and harvests, which are the index of progress, show vigorous national growth and the health and prosperous wellbeing of our communities throughout this land and in our possessions beyond the seas. These blessings have not descended upon us in restricted measure, but overflow and abound. They are the blessings and bounty of God.
We continue to be at peace with the rest of the world. In all essential matters our relations with other peoples are harmonious, with an ever growing reality of friendliness and depth of recognition of mutual dependence. It is especially to be noted that during the past year great progress has been achieved in the case of arbitration and the peaceful settlement of international disputes.
Now therefore I, William Howard Taft, President of the United States of America, in accordance with the wise custom of the civil magistrates since the first settlement in this land and with the rule established from the foundation of this Government, do appoint Thursday, November 24, 1910, as a day of national thanksgiving and prayer, enjoining the people upon that day to meet in their churches for the praise of the Almighty God and to return heartfelt thanks to Him for all His goodness and loving kindness.
United States. President (1909-1913: Taft). By the President of the United States of America. A Proclamation, October 30, 1911.
The people of this land having by long sanction and practice set apart toward the close of each passing year a day on which to cease from their labors and assemble for the purpose of giving praise to Him who is the author of the blessings they have enjoyed, it is my duty as Chief Executive to designate at this time the day for the fulfillment of this devout purpose.
Our country has been signally favored in many ways. The round of the seasons has brought rich harvests. Our industries have thrived far beyond our domestic needs; the productions of our labor are daily finding enlarged markets abroad. We have been free from the curses of pestilence, of famine and of war. Our national councils have furthered the cause of peace in other lands, and the spirit of benevolence has brought us into closer touch with other peoples, to the strengthening of the bonds of fellowship and good will that link us to our comrades in the universal brotherhood of nations. Strong in the sense of our own rights and inspired by as strong a sense of the rights of others, we live in peace and harmony with the world. Rich in the priceless possessions and abundant resources wherewith the unstinted bounty of God has endowed us, we are unselfishly glad when other peoples pass onward to prosperity and peace. That the great privileges we enjoy may continue and that each coming year may see our country more firmly established in the regard and esteem of our fellow nations is the prayer that should arise in every thankful heart.
Wherefore I, William Howard Taft, President of the United States, designate Thursday, the 30th day of November next, as a day of thanksgiving and prayer, and I earnestly call upon my countrymen and upon all that dwell under the flag of our beloved country then to meet in their accustomed places of worship to join in offering prayer to Almighty God and devout thanks for the loving mercies He has given to us.
In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed.
Done at the City of Chicago, this 30th day of October, in the year of our Lord one thousand nine hundred and eleven and of the independence of the United States the one hundred and thirty-sixth.
United States. President (1909-1913: Taft). By the President of the United States of America. A Proclamation, November 7, 1912.
A God-fearing nation, like ours, owes it to its inborn and sincere sense of moral duty to testify its devout gratitude to the All-giver for the countless benefits it has enjoyed. For many years it has been customary at the close of the year for the national Executive to call upon his fellow-countrymen to offer praise and thanks to God for the manifold blessings vouchsafed to them in the past and to unite in earnest suppliance for their continuance.
The year now drawing to a close has been notably favorable to our fortunate land. at peace within and without; free from the perturbations and calamities that have afflicted other peoples. rich in harvests so abundant and in industries so productive that the overflow of our prosperity has advantaged the whole world; strong in the steadfast conservation of the heritage of self-government bequeathed to us by the wisdom of our fathers and firm in the resolve to transmit that heritage unimpaired but rather improved by good use, to our children and our children?s children for all time to come, the people of this country have abounding cause for contented gratitude.
Wherefore, I, William Howard Taft, President of the United States of America, in pursuance of long-established usage, and in response to the wish of the American people, invite my countrymen, wheresoever they may sojourn, to join, on Thursday the twenty-eighth day of this month of November, in appropriate ascription of praise and thanks to god for the good gifts that have been our portion, and in humble prayer that His great mercies toward us may endure.
In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed.
Done at the City of Washington this seventh day of November in the year of our Lord one thousand nine hundred and twelve and of the independence of the United States the one hundred and thirty-seventh.
Wilson, Woodrow
(1856-1924)
28th President of the United States. Read more about Woodrow Wilson here, here and here.
WORKS
Inaugural Address, March 4, 1913.
The Nation has been deeply stirred, stirred by a solemn passion, stirred by the knowledge of wrong, of ideals lost, of government too often debauched and made an instrument of evil. The feelings with which we face this new age of right and opportunity sweep across our heartstrings like some air out of God's own presence, where justice and mercy are reconciled and the judge and the brother are one. We know our task to be no mere task of politics but a task which shall search us through and through, whether we be able to understand our time and the need of our people, whether we be indeed their spokesmen and interpreters, whether we have the pure heart to comprehend and the rectified will to choose our high course of action.
This is not a day of triumph; it is a day of dedication. Here muster, not the forces of party, but the forces of humanity. Men's hearts wait upon us; men's lives hang in the balance; men's hopes call upon us to say what we will do. Who shall live up to the great trust? Who dares fail to try? I summon all honest men, all patriotic, all forward-looking men, to my side. God helping me, I will not fail them, if they will but counsel and sustain me!
Second Inaugural Address, March 4, 1917.
I pray God I may be given the wisdom and the prudence to do my duty in the true spirit of this great people. I am their servant and can succeed only as they sustain and guide me by their confidence and their counsel. The thing I shall count upon, the thing without which neither counsel nor action will avail, is the unity of America--an America united in feeling, in purpose and in its vision of duty, of opportunity and of service.
We are to beware of all men who would turn the tasks and the necessities of the nation to their own private profit or use them for the building up of private power.
Woodrow Wilson: Address on the Translation of the Bible Into English, 7 May 1911. [Extract from Congressional Record of August 13, 1912]. Address of Hon. Woodrow Wilson, Governor of New Jersey in the Auditorium, Denver, Colo. on The Occasion of the Tercentenary Celebration of the Translation Of the Bible into the English Language, May 7, 1911. Also here.
And so it seems to me that we must look upon the Bible as the great charter of the human soul-as the "Magna Charta" of the human soul. You know the interesting circumstances which gave rise to the Magna Charta. You know the moving scene that was enacted upon the heath at Runnymede. You know how the barons of England, representing the people of England-for they consciously represented the people of England-met upon that historic spot and parleyed with John, the King. They said, "We will come to terms with you here." They said, "There are certain inalienable rights of English-speaking men which you must observe. They are not given by you, they can not be taken away by you. Sign your name here to this parchment upon which these rights are written and we are your subjects. Refuse to put your name to this document and we are your sworn enemies. Here are our swords to prove it."
The franchise of human liberty made the basis of a bargain with a king. There are kings upon the pages of Scripture, but do you think of any king in Scripture as anything else than a mere man? There was the great King David, of a line blessed because the line from which should spring our Lord and Savior, a man marked in the history of mankind as the chosen instrument of God to do justice and exalt righteousness in the people.
But what does this Bible do for David? Does it utter eulogies upon him? Does it conceal his faults and magnify his virtues? Does it set him up as a great statesman would be set up in a modern biography? No; the book in which his annals are written strips the mask from David, strips every shred of counterfeit and concealment from him and shows him as indeed an instrument of God, but a sinful and selfish man, and the verdict of the Bible is that David, like other men, was one day to stand naked before the judgment seat of God and be judged not as a king but as a man. Is not this the book of the people? Is there any man in this Holy Scripture who is exempted from the common standard and judgment? How these pages teem with the masses of mankind. Are these the annals of the great? These are the annals of the people-of the common run of men.
... Do you wonder, therefore, that when I was asked what my theme this evening would be I said it would be "The Bible and Progress"? We do not judge progress by material standards. America is not ahead of the other nations of the world because she is rich. Nothing makes America great except her thoughts, except her ideals, except her acceptance of those standards of judgment which are written large upon these pages of revelation. America has all along claimed the distinction of setting this example to the civilized world-that men were to think of one another, that governments were to be set up for the service of the people, that men were to be judged by these moral standards which pay no regard to rank or birth or conditions, but which assess every man according to his single and individual value. This is the meaning of this charter of the human soul. This is the standard by which men and nations have more and more come to be judged. And so the form has consisted in nothing more nor less than this-in trying to conform actual conditions, in trying to square actual laws with the right judgments of human conduct and more than liberty.
That is the reason that the Bible has stood at the back of progress. That is the reason that reform has come not from the top but from the bottom. If you are ever tempted to let a government reform itself, I ask you to look back in the pages of history and find me a government that reformed itself. If you are ever tempted to let a party attempt to reform itself, I ask you to find a party that ever reformed itself.
A tree is not nourished by its bloom and by its fruit. It is nourished by its roots, which are down deep in the common and hidden soil, and every process of purification and rectification comes from the bottom-not from the top. It comes from the masses of struggling human beings. It comes from the instinctive efforts of millions of human hearts trying to beat their way up into the light and into the hope of the future.
... You may remember that allegorical narrative in the Old Testament of those who searched through one cavern after another cutting the holes in the walls and going into the secret places where all sorts of noisome things were worshipped. Men do not dare to let the sun shine in upon such things and upon such occupations and worships. And so I say there will be no halt to the great movement of the armies of reform until men forget their God, until they forget this charter of their liberty. Let no man suppose that progress can be divorced from religion or that there is any other platform for the ministers of reform than the platform written in the utterances of our Lord and Savior.
America was born a Christian nation. America was born to exemplify that devotion to the elements of righteousness which are derived from the revelations of Holy Scripture.
Ladies and gentlemen, I have a very simple thing to ask of you. I ask of every man and woman in this audience that from this night on they will realize that part of the destiny of America lies in their daily perusal of this great book of revelations-that if they would see America free and pure they will make their own spirits free and pure by this baptism of the Holy Scripture.
Gov. Woodrow Wilson Criticizes Some of Present Day Hymns. Grand Forks Daily Herald, October 3, 1911. "The governor favored more direct teaching from the Bible and also the singing of the old psalms. This brought him to a criticism of some present-day hymns, which he said contained neither poetry nor sense."
Life and the Bible. Text of Governor Woodrow Wilson's message in Dallas, October 28, 1911. Printed in Bible Society Record, 1924. Presented with the permission of the American Bible Society Archives.
Gov. Wilson Given Rousing Reception. Dallas Morning News, October 29, 1911, p. 1. Also "Wilson Praises Texas for Commission Form," p. 2. and "Gov. Wilson Speaks at Baptist Church; Delivers Address on 'Life and the Bible' at Tercentenary," p. 5. Speech at the First Baptist Church, Dallas, before a crowd of 5,000.
"It is a striking thing that the Bible does not display men as right merely because they have obeyed the Ten Commandments. There are rather the triumphs of men who have tried to approximate what God has revealed as right. The Bible has its pictures of right and wrong, showing what men must live for, or die, for they shall surely die, as they did die, when wrong is done."
The beauty about the Bible is that it is the most wholesome, the most perfectly symmetrical, the least morbid picture of life and motives of men in the world. Almost every other book has a streak of morbidness in it, but this book is wholesome and sweet and natural and naif from cover to cover. Here are no dull moralizings; here is the life of man set forth as it was simply lived from generation to generation. I take it that the problem which you would all study for the Sunday school is the biographies and the histories of the Old Testament and of the New. I suppose that the Epistles of the New Testament are for the perusal of those who are mature, because in the Epistles is set forth, as it were, the philosophy of the whole thing, the thoughtful reflection based upon the providence of God and the revelation of His Son. The Epistles constitute the theology of the Bible, and the rest of it constitutes the experience of mankind in contact with Divine Providence.
The reassuring thing about the Bible is that its biographies are not like any other biographies that you know of. Take up almost any biography outside of the Bible and the writer tries to make a hero of the man he is writing about. No writer in the Bible tries to make a hero out of mere human stuff. There isn't a character of the Bible-there isn't a character even amongst those who are picked out by the Bible itself, by the special representatives and ambassadors of God, whose life is not displayed as full of faults and shortcomings and natural slips from the way of virtue. It were a matter of despair to those of us who have come after, if the Bible had represented these persons as unimpeachable in character and unexceptional in their conduct, because the theme of the Bible, so far as it is a biography, is the theme of the discovery of itself by the human soul, is the theme of the slow "come on" which each man and woman may gain for himself or herself under the guidance of the Spirit of God.
After all, we fight not with flesh and blood, but with unseen forces, most of which are within ourselves. The Bible says: "Let no man say he was tempted of God, for God tempteth no man." I am inclined to add: "Let no man say that he was tempted of the devil," for the devil never comes into any man's soul except by his permission and invitation.
I am sorry for the men who do not read the Bible every day. I wonder why they deprive themselves of the strength and of the pleasure. It is one of the most singular books in the world, for every time you open it some old text that you have read a score of times suddenly beams with a new meaning. Evidently the mood and thought of that day, bred by the circumstance that you cannot analyze, has suddenly thrown its light upon that page and upon that passage, and there springs out upon the page to you something that you never saw lie upon it before. There is no other book that I know of of which this is true; there is no other book that yields its meaning so personally, that seems to fit itself so intimately to the very spirit that is seeking its guidance. And so when we teach our children we do not teach them, I hope, dogmatically. We must not try to make them read the Scripture as we read it, but merely try to bring them into such contact with the Scripture that it will yield its meaning to their hearts and to their minds. Make it their companion, make it their familiar text book, and the rest will take care of itself.
I am the more interested in it because it is an association of young men who are Christians. I wonder if we attach sufficient importance to Christianity as a mere instrumentality in the life of mankind. For one, I am not fond of thinking of Christianity as the means of saving individual souls. I have always been very impatient of processes and institutions which said that their purpose was to put every man in the way of developing his character. My advice is: Do not think about your character. If you will think about what you ought to do for other people, your character will take care of itself. Character is a by-product, and any man who devotes himself to its cultivation in his own case will become a selfish prig. The only way your powers can become great is by exerting them outside the circle of your own narrow, special, selfish interests. And that is the reason of Christianity. Christ came into the world to save others, not to save himself; and no man is a true Christian who does not think constantly of how he can lift his brother, how he can assist his friend, how he can enlighten mankind, how he can make virtue the rule of conduct in the circle in which he lives. An association merely of young men might be an association that had its energies put forth in every direction, but an association of Christian young men is an association meant to put its shoulders under the world and lift it, so that other men may feel that they have companions in bearing the weight and heat of the day; that other men may know that there are those who care for them, who would go into places of difficulty and danger to rescue them, who regard themselves as their brother's keeper.
The Bible is the word of life. I beg that you will read it and find this out for yourselves, - read, not little snatches here and there, but long passages that will really be the road to the heart of it. You will find it full of real men and women not only, but also of the things you have wondered about and been troubled about all your life, as men have been always; and the more you read the more it will become plain to you what things are worth while and what are not, what things make men happy, - loyalty, right dealing, speaking the truth, readiness to give everything for what they think their duty, and, most of all, the wish that they may have the approval of the Christ, who gave everything for them, - and the things that are guaranteed to make men unhappy, - selfishness, cowardice, greed, and everything that is low and mean. When you have read the Bible you will know that it is the Word of God, because you will have found it the key to your own heart, your own happiness, and your own duty.
I am very much honored, and might say, touched, by this beautiful address that you have just read, and it is very delightful to feel the comradeship of spirit which is indicated by a gathering like this.
You are quite right, sir, in saying that I do recognize the sanctions of religion in these times of perplexity with matters so large to settle that no man can feel that his mind can compass them. I think one would go crazy if he did not believe in Providence. It would be a maze without a clue. Unless there were some supreme guidance we would despair of the results of human counsel. So that it is with genuine sympathy that I acknowledge the spirit and thank you for the generosity of your address.
IT is a very wholesome and regenerating change which a man
undergoes when he "comes to himself." It is not only after periods of recklessness or infatuation, when he has played the spendthrift or the fool, that a man comes to himself. He comes to himself after experiences of which he alone may be aware: when he has left off being
wholly preoccupied with his own powers and interests and with every petty plan that centers in himself; when he has cleared his eyes to see
the world as it is, and his own true place and function in it.
... What every man seeks is satisfaction. He deceives himself so long as he imagines it to lie in self-indulgence, so long a she deems himself the center and object of effort.
His mind is spent in vain upon itself. Not in action itself, not in "pleasure," shall it find its desires satisfied, but in consciousness of right, of powers greatly and nobly spent. It comes to know itself in the motives which satisfy it, in the
zest and power of rectitude. Christianity has liberated the world, not as a system of ethics, not as a philosophy of altruism, but by its revelation of the power of pure and
unselfish love. Its vital principle is not its code, but its motive. Love, clear-sighted, loyal, personal, is its
breath and immortality. Christ came, not to save Himself, assuredly, but to save the world. His motive, His example, are every man's key to his own gifts and happiness. The ethical code he taught may no doubt be matched, here a piece and there
a piece, out of other religions, other teachings and philosophies. Every thoughtful man born with a conscience must know a code of right and of pity to which he ought to conform; but without the motive of Christianity, without love, he
may be the purest altruist and yet be as sad and as unsatisfied as Marcus Aurelius.
Christianity gave us, in the fullness of time, the perfect image of right living, the secret of social and of individual well-being; for the two are not separable, and the man who receives and verifies that secret in his own living has discovered not only the best and only way to serve
the world, but also the one happy way to satisfy himself. Then, indeed, has he come to himself. Henceforth he knows what his powers mean, what spiritual air they breathe, what ardors of service clear them of lethargy, relieve them of all sense of effort, put them at their best. After this fretfulness passes away, experience mellows and strengthens and makes more fit, and old age brings, not senility, not satiety, not regret, but higher hope and serene maturity.
pp. 134-137.
A History of the American People; illustrated with portraits, maps, plans, facsimiles, rare prints, contemporary views, etc. New York: Harper & Bros., 1902. 5 v. : ill., facsims., maps (11 folded), ports.
A History of the American People, enlarged by the addition of original sources and leading documents of American history, including narratives of early explorers, grants, charters, concessions, treaties, revolutionary documents, state papers, proclamations and enactments; illustrated with contemporary views, portraits, facsimiles and maps selected from rare books and prints. New York, London, Harper & Bros., 1918. 10 vols. fronts., illus. (incl. facsims.) ports., maps (part fold.) 22 cm. "Limited to 400 sets and signed by the author. Set no. 266"
"What a wonderful manual of everyday life is the Bible. Every day that I live I am more convinced of its everlasting truths. Especially do I have an opportunity of studying both the weaknesses and the virtues of men by observing them in trials at the courthouse. In the Bible are shown both the way of life and the way to life.
"Did you ever think how much of the enduring literature of the world has its base in the Word of God? The other night I was reading the story of the prodigal son, and when I reached the passage, 'When he came to himself,' I was reminded that President Wilson got his text for the book, 'When a Man Comes to Himself,' from that phrase.
Alvin C. York. Sgt. Alvin C. York's Diary. DECEMBER 25th 1918. "I think President Wilson is one of the greatest Presidents America has ever had. There is much that could be said about him as a great man. There is his great leadership of the nation. There is the way he understood all about the war and what we were all fighting for. The Germans, too. But the greatest thing about him was his spiritual side. He believed in God."
Cary T. Grayson. The Religion of Woodrow Wilson, [after 3 Feb. 1924]. "Mr. Wilson was one of the most devout of our Presidents. His religion was marked by constant and regular prayer, not a formality but a sincere outpouring of his spirit and supplication for divine guidance. He read his Bible consistently every day, meditated on what he read, and sought to put into action the teachings of the Scripture. He was an habitual church attendant and an Elder in the Presbyterian Church. Even in Paris he often attended church though the pressure was so great upon him that he was forced to violate his usual rule and work upon Sundays either in his office or in conference."
29th President of the United States. Baptist. Read about Harding here, here, and here.
Inaugural Address, March 4, 1921. See also Presidential Inaugurations, Library of Congress.
Standing in this presence, mindful of the solemnity of this occasion, feeling the emotions which no one may know until he senses the great weight of responsibility for himself, I must utter my belief in the divine inspiration of the founding fathers. Surely there must have been God's intent in the making of this new-world Republic. Ours is an organic law which had but one ambiguity, and we saw that effaced in a baptism of sacrifice and blood, with union maintained, the Nation supreme, and its concord inspiring. We have seen the world rivet its hopeful gaze on the great truths on which the founders wrought. We have seen civil, human, and religious liberty verified and glorified. In the beginning the Old World scoffed at our experiment; today our foundations of political and social belief stand unshaken, a precious inheritance to ourselves, an inspiring example of freedom and civilization to all mankind. Let us express renewed and strengthened devotion, in grateful reverence for the immortal beginning, and utter our confidence in the supreme fulfillment.
The recorded progress of our Republic, materially and spiritually, in itself proves the wisdom of the inherited policy of noninvolvement in Old World affairs. Confident of our ability to work out our own destiny, and jealously guarding our right to do so, we seek no part in directing the destinies of the Old World. We do not mean to be entangled. We will accept no responsibility except as our own conscience and judgment, in each instance, may determine.
Our eyes never will be blind to a developing menace, our ears never deaf to the call of civilization. We recognize the new order in the world, with the closer contacts which progress has wrought. We sense the call of the human heart for fellowship, fraternity, and cooperation. We crave friendship and harbor no hate. But America, our America, the America builded on the foundation laid by the inspired fathers, can be a party to no permanent military alliance. It can enter into no political commitments, nor assume any economic obligations which will subject our decisions to any other than our own authority.
... Service is the supreme commitment of life. I would rejoice to acclaim the era of the Golden Rule and crown it with the autocracy of service. I pledge an administration wherein all the agencies of Government are called to serve, and ever promote an understanding of Government purely as an expression of the popular will.
One cannot stand in this presence and be unmindful of the tremendous responsibility. The world upheaval has added heavily to our tasks. But with the realization comes the surge of high resolve, and there is reassurance in belief in the God-given destiny of our Republic. If I felt that there is to be sole responsibility in the Executive for the America of tomorrow I should shrink from the burden. But here are a hundred millions, with common concern and shared responsibility, answerable to God and country. The Republic summons them to their duty, and I invite co-operation.
I accept my part with single-mindedness of purpose and humility of spirit, and implore the favor and guidance of God in His Heaven. With these I am unafraid, and confidently face the future.
I have taken the solemn oath of office on that passage of Holy Writ wherein it is asked: "What doth the Lord require of thee but to do justly, and to love mercy, and to walk humbly with thy God?" This I plight to God and country.
PRESIDENT WARNS ON DISOBEYING LAW; Urges Religious Forces to Combat Frivolous Views of Citizenship's Duties. SEES CHURCH INTOLERANCE; Declares in Address to Baptists That Moral Laxity Began Before the War. Finds Menace to Liberty. PRESIDENT WARNS ON DISOBEYING LAW; Laxity Before the War, He Says. New York Times. March 25, 1922, pp. 1-2.
The Church can render no higher service at this time than to put forth its utmost influence in behalf of "frank and willing obedience to the law of the land," President Harding declared tonight in an address before the Bible Class of Calvary Baptist Church. No newspaper correspondents were admitted to the church, but the President's address was made public from the White House.
"There is no relationship here between Church and State," the President said. "Religious liberty has its unalterable place, along with civil and human liberty, in the very foundation of the Republic. Therein is shown the farseeing vision of the immortal founders, and we are a better people and a better Republic because there is that freedom.
"I fear it is forgotten sometimes. In the experiences of a year in the Presidency there has come to me no other such unwelcome impression as the manifest religious intolerance which exists among many of our citizens. I hold it to be a menace to the very liberties we boast and cherish.
"In spite of our complete divorcement of Church and State, quite in harmony with our religious freedom, there is an important relationship between Church and nation, because no nation can prosper, no nation can survive, if it ever forgets Almighty God. I have believed that religious reverence has played a very influential and helpful part in the matchless American achievement, and I wish it ever to abide. If I were to utter a prayer for the Republic tonight, it would be to reconsecrate us in religious devotion and make us abidingly a God-fearing, God-loving people.
"I do not fail to recall that the religious life makes for the simple life, and it would be like a Divine benediction to restore the simpler life in this Republic."
Coolidge, Calvin
(1872-1933)
30th President of the United States. Read more about Coolidge here and here.
WORKS
Inaugural Address of President Coolidge March 4, 1925. "America seeks no earthly empire built on blood and force. No ambition, no temptation, lures her to thought of foreign dominions. The legions which she sends forth are armed, not with the sword, but with the cross. The higher state to which she seeks the allegiance of all mankind is not of human, but of divine origin. She cherishes no purpose save to merit the favor of Almighty God."
Presidential speech in Philadelphia commemorating the 150th Anniversary of the Declaration of Independence, July 5, 1926. Also here (scroll half-way down the page). Also published in San Antonio Express, July 6, 1926 and Indiana Evening Gazette, July 8, 1926.
"We meet to celebrate the birthday of America. The coming of a new life always excites our interest. Although we know in the case of the individual that it has been an infinite repetition reaching back beyond our vision, that only makes it the more wonderful. But how our interest and wonder increase when we behold the miracle of the birth of a new nation. It is to pay our tribute of reverence and respect to those who participated in such a mighty event that we annually observe the fourth day of July. Whatever may have been the impression created by the news which went out from this city on that summer day in 1776, there can be no doubt as to the estimate which is now placed upon it. At the end of 150 years the four corners of the earth unite in coming to Philadelphia as to a holy shrine in grateful acknowledgement of a service so great, which a few inspired men here rendered to humanity, that it is still the preeminent support of free government throughout the world.
... "About the Declaration there is a finality that is exceedingly restful. It is often asserted that the world has made a great deal of progress since 1776, that we have had new thoughts and new experiences which have given us a great advance over the people of that day, and that we may therefore very well discard their conclusions for something more modern. But that reasoning can not be applied to this great charter. If all men are created equal, that is final. If they are endowed with inalienable rights, that is final. If governments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed, that is final. No advance, no progress can be made beyond these propositions. If anyone wishes to deny their truth or their soundness, the only direction in which he can proceed historically is not forward, but backward toward the time when there was no equality, no rights of the individual, no rule of the people. Those who wish to proceed in that direction can not lay claim to progress. They are reactionary. Their ideas are not more modern, but more ancient, than those of the Revolutionary fathers.
"In the development of its institutions America can fairly claim that it has remained true to the principles which were declared 150 years ago. In all the essentials we have achieved an equality which was never possessed by any other people. Even in the less important matter of material possessions we have secured a wider and wider distribution of wealth. The rights of the individual are held sacred and protected by constitutional guaranties, which even the Government itself is bound not to violate. If there is any one thing among us that is established beyond question, it is self-government--the right of the people to rule. If there is any failure in respect to any of these principles, it is because there is a failure on the part of individuals to observe them. We hold that the duly authorized expression of the will of the people has a divine sanction. But even in that we come back to the theory of John Wise that 'Democracy is Christ's government.' The ultimate sanction of law rests on the righteous authority of the Almighty."
Address at the Unveiling of the Equestrian Statue of Bishop Francis Asbury, Washington, DC, October 15th, 1924. "Our government rests upon religion. It is from that source that we derive our reverence for truth and justice, for equality and liberty, and for the rights of mankind. Unless the people believe in these principles they cannot believe in our government. There are only two main theories of government in the world. One rests on righteousness, the other rests on force. One appeals to reason, the other appeals to the sword. One is exemplified in a republic, the other is represented by a despotism. The history of government on this earth has been almost entirely a history of the rule of force held in the hands of a few. Under our constitution, America committed itself to the practical application of the rule of reason, with the power held in the hands of the people."
31st President of the United States. Read more about Hoover here and here.
WORKS
Inaugural Address, March 4, 1929. "This occasion is not alone the administration of the most sacred oath which can be assumed by an American citizen. It is a dedication and consecration under God to the highest office in service of our people. I assume this trust in the humility of knowledge that only through the guidance of Almighty Providence can I hope to discharge its ever-increasing burdens."
Message to the National Federation of Men's Bible Classes, May 5th, 1929. "THERE IS no other book so various as the Bible, nor one so full of concentrated wisdom. Whether it be of law, business, morals, or that vision which leads the imagination in the creation of constructive enterprises for the happiness of mankind, he who seeks for guidance in any of these things may look inside its covers and find illumination. The study of this Book in your Bible classes is a postgraduate course in the richest library of human experience....As a nation we are indebted to the Book of Books for our national ideals and representative institutions. Their preservation rests in adhering to its principles."
Radio Address to the Nation on Unemployment Relief, October 18, 1931. Also here.
"Our country and the world are today involved in more than a financial crisis. We are faced with the primary question of human relations, which reaches to the very depth of organized society and to the very depth of human conscience. This civilization and this great complex, which we call American life, is builded and can alone survive upon the translation into individual action of the fundamental philosophy announced by the Savior nineteen centuries ago. Part of our national suffering today is from failure to observe these primary yet inexorable laws of human relationship. Modern society can not survive with the defense of Cain, 'Am I my brother's keeper'?
"No governmental action, no economic doctrine, no economic plan or project can replace that God-imposed responsibility of the individual man and woman to their neighbors. That is a vital part of the very soul of the people. If we shall gain in this spirit from this painful time, we shall have created a greater and more glorious America. The trial of it is here now. It is a trial of the heart and conscience, of individual men and women."
Message, to the American Bible Society on Universal Bible Sunday, October 30th, 1932. "Universal Bible Sunday once a year brings to all our people simultaneously a concerted stimulus to study the Bible and to ponder its inexhaustible wealth of inspiration and example. The spiritual life is enriched by the annual observance of this day."
Roosevelt, Franklin D.
(1882-1945)
32nd President of the United States. Read more about Franklin Roosevelt here, here and here.
WORKS
Inaugural Address, March 4, 1933. "In this dedication of a Nation we humbly ask the blessing of God. May He protect each and every one of us. May He guide me in the days to come."
Second Inaugural Address, January 20, 1937. "While this duty rests upon me I shall do my utmost to speak their purpose and to do their will, seeking Divine guidance to help us each and every one to give light to them that sit in darkness and to guide our feet into the way of peace."
Third Inaugural Address, January 20, 1941. "In the face of great perils never before encountered, our strong purpose is to protect and to perpetuate the integrity of democracy.
"For this we muster the spirit of America, and the faith of America.
"We do not retreat. We are not content to stand still. As Americans, we go forward, in the service of our country, by the will of God.
Fourth Inaugural Address, January 20, 1945. "As I stand here today, having taken the solemn oath of office in the presence of my fellow countrymen--in the presence of our God--I know that it is America's purpose that we shall not fail.
The Almighty God has blessed our land in many ways. He has given our people stout hearts and strong arms with which to strike mighty blows for freedom and truth. He has given to our country a faith which has become the hope of all peoples in an anguished world.
So we pray to Him now for the vision to see our way clearly to see the way that leads to a better life for ourselves and for all our fellow men--and to the achievement of His will to peace on earth.
Statement on the Four Hundredth Anniversary of the Printing of the English Bible, October 6th, 1935.
"In the formative days of the Republic the directing influence the Bible exercised upon the fathers of the Nation is conspicuously evident. To Washington it contained the sure and certain moral precepts that constituted the basis of his action. That which proceeded from it transcended all other books, however elevating their thought. To his astute mind moral and religious principles were the 'indispensable supports' of political prosperity, the 'essential pillars of civil society.' Learned as Jefferson was in the best of the ancient philosophers, he turned to the Bible as the source of his higher thinking and reasoning. Speaking of the lofty teachings of the Master, he said: 'He pushed His scrutinies into the heart of man; erected His tribunal in the region of his thoughts, and purified the waters at the fountain head.' Beyond this he held that the Bible contained the noblest ethical system the world has known. His own compilation of the selected portions of this Book, in what is known as 'Jefferson's Bible,' bears evidence of the profound reverence in which he held it."
"There is, moreover, another enemy at home. That enemy is the mean and petty spirit that mocks at ideals, sneers at sacrifice and pretends that the American people can live by bread alone. If the spirit of God is not in us, and if we will not prepare to give all that we have and all that we are to preserve Christian civilization in our land, we shall go to destruction.
"It is good and right that we should conserve these mountain heights of the old frontier for the benefit of the American people. But in this hour we have to safeguard a greater thing: the right of the people of this country to live as free men. Our vital task of conservation is to preserve the freedom that our forefathers won in this land, and the liberties that were proclaimed in our Declaration of Independence and embodied in our Constitution."
"Your Government has in its possession another document, made in Germany by Hitler's Government. It is a detailed plan, which, for obvious reasons, the Nazis did not wish and do not wish to publicize just yet, but which they are ready to impose, a little later, on a dominated world--if Hitler wins. It is a plan 'to abolish all existing religions- Catholic, Protestant, Mohammedan, Hindu, Buddhist, and Jewish alike. The property of all churches will be seized by the Reich and its puppets. The cross and all other symbols of religion are to be forbidden. The clergy are to be forever liquidated, silenced under penalty of the concentration camps, where even now so many fearless men are being tortured because they have placed God above Hitler.
"In the place of the churches of our civilization, there is to be set up an International Nazi Church- a church which will be served by orators sent out by the Nazi Government. And in the place of the Bible, the words of Mein Kampf will be imposed and enforced as Holy Writ. And in the place of the cross of Christ will be put two symbols--the swastika and the naked sword.
"The god of Blood and Iron will take the place of the God of Love and Mercy. Let us well ponder that statement which I have made tonight."
"Today the United Nations are the mightiest military coalition in all history. They represent an overwhelming majority of the population of the world. Bound together in solemn agreement that they themselves will not commit acts of aggression or conquest against any of their neighbors, the United Nations can and must remain united for the maintenance of peace by preventing any attempt to rearm in Germany, in Japan, in Italy, or in any other Nation which seeks to violate the Tenth Commandment - 'Thou shalt not covet'."
33rd President of the United States. Read more about Truman here and here.
WORKS
Truman's Inaugural Address,
January 20, 1949. Also here.
The American people stand firm in the faith which has inspired this Nation from the beginning. We believe that all men have a right to equal justice under law and equal opportunity to share in the common good. We believe that all men have a right to freedom of thought and expression. We believe that all men are created equal because they are created in the image of God.
From this faith we will not be moved.
... In the pursuit of these aims, the United States and other like-minded nations find themselves directly opposed by a regime with contrary aims and a totally different concept of life.
That regime adheres to a false philosophy which purports to offer freedom, security, and greater opportunity to mankind. Misled by that philosophy, many peoples have sacrificed their liberties only to learn to their sorrow that deceit and mockery, poverty and tyranny, are their reward.
That false philosophy is communism.
Communism is based on the belief that man is so weak and inadequate that he is unable to govern himself, and therefore requires the rule of strong masters.
Democracy is based on the conviction that man has the moral and intellectual capacity, as well as the inalienable right, to govern himself with reason and justice.
Communism subjects the individual to arrest without lawful cause, punishment without trial, and forced labor as the chattel of the state. It decrees what information he shall receive, what art he shall produce, what leaders he shall follow, and what thoughts he shall think.
Democracy maintains that government is established for the benefit of the individual, and is charged with the responsibility of protecting the rights of the individual and his freedom in the exercise of those abilities of his.
... But I say to all men, what we have achieved in liberty, we will surpass in greater liberty.
Steadfast in our faith in the Almighty, we will advance toward a world where man's freedom is secure.
To that end we will devote our strength, our resources, and our firmness of resolve. With God's help, the future of mankind will be assured in a world of justice, harmony, and peace.
Address in Connection With Lighting of the National Community Christmas Tree on the White House Grounds, December 24th, 1949.
"Since returning home, I have been reading again in our family Bible some of the passages which foretold this night. It was that grand old seer Isaiah who prophesied in the Old Testament the sublime event which found fulfillment almost 2,000 years ago. Just as Isaiah foresaw the coming of Christ, so another battler for the Lord, St. Paul, summed up the law and the prophets in a glorification of love which he exalts even above both faith and hope."
Address Before the Attorney General's Conference on Law Enforcement Problems. February 15th, 1950.
"The most important business in this Nation--or any other nation, for that matter-is raising and training children. If those children have the proper environment at home, and educationally, very, very few of them ever turn out wrong. I don't think we put enough stress on the necessity of implanting in the child's mind the moral code under which we live.
"The fundamental basis of this Nation's law was given to Moses on the Mount. The fundamental basis of our Bill of Rights comes from the teachings which we get from Exodus and St. Matthew, from Isaiah and St. Paul. I don't think we emphasize that enough these days.
"If we don't have the proper fundamental moral background, we will finally wind up with a totalitarian government which does not believe in rights for anybody except the state."
Remarks at the 91st Annual National Convention of the Augustana Lutheran Church, June 7th, 1950.
"We are faced with tremendous responsibilities. We have become the leaders of the moral forces of the world, the leaders who believe that the Sermon on the Mount means what it says, the leaders of that part of the world which believes that the law is the Godgiven law under which we live, that all our traditions have come from Moses at Sinai, and Jesus on the Mount.
"We are endeavoring to live by that law. We are endeavoring to act by that law.
"We have forces in the world that do not believe in a moral code, that even go so far as to say that there is no Supreme Being, that material things are all that count.
"Material things are ashes, if there is no spiritual background for the support of those material things."
Address in Independence at the Dedication of the Liberty Bell, November 6th, 1950. "Written around the crown of this bell are the words, 'Proclaim liberty throughout the land and to all the inhabitants thereof.' Those words are 2,500 years old. I learned the first line over there in that Presbyterian Church. They come from the Bible. They reflect a deep belief in freedom under God and justice among men--a belief which is at the heart of what the Bible teaches us.
"Our concept of freedom has deep religious roots. We come under a divine command to be concerned about the welfare of our neighbors, and to help one another. For all men are the servants of God, and no one has the right to mistreat his fellow men.
"This concept of freedom is enshrined in our own Revolution and in our Government. We are trying to live up to it today, at home and in all our dealings with other nations.
We have given of our resources and of our aid, in this time of stress and peril, to other nations who believe in freedom as we do. This aid is given to help these nations grow strong in freedom and to advance our common ideals. Some of this aid has gone to France--and to the people of Annecy, who made this bell.
"And they, the people of Annecy, have given this Liberty Bell to us as a symbol of the great fellowship of freedom."
Remarks in Kansas City at a Luncheon for the Press, December 22nd, 1950.
"The only way that that situation can be worked out for the welfare of the world is for those people who believe in ethics, morals, and right to associate themselves together to meet the menace of those who do not believe in ethics, morals, and right, who have no idea of honor or truth.
"We should be very careful that the attitude of that lack of honor and truth does not become a part of our own political system. It is a very dangerous thing.
"Our growth and our laws are founded on those originating with Hammurabi in the Mesopotamian Valley, propounded by Moses, and elaborated on by Jesus Christ, whose Sermon on the Mount is the best ethical program by which to live."
"Through Jesus Christ the world will yet be a better and a fairer place. This faith sustains us today as it has sustained mankind for centuries past. This is why the Christmas story, with the bright stars shining and the angels singing, moves us to wonder and stirs our hearts to praise.
"Now, my fellow countrymen, I wish for all of you a Christmas filled with the joy of the Holy Spirit, and many years of future happiness with the peace of God reigning upon this earth."
My friends, before I begin the expression of those thoughts that I deem appropriate to this moment, would you permit me the privilege of uttering a little private prayer of my own. And I ask that you bow your heads:
Almighty God, as we stand here at this moment my future associates in the executive branch of government join me in beseeching that Thou will make full and complete our dedication to the service of the people in this throng, and their fellow citizens everywhere.
Give us, we pray, the power to discern clearly right from wrong, and allow all our words and actions to be governed thereby, and by the laws of this land. Especially we pray that our concern shall be for all the people regardless of station, race, or calling.
May cooperation be permitted and be the mutual aim of those who, under the concepts of our Constitution, hold to differing political faiths; so that all may work for the good of our beloved country and Thy glory. Amen.
My fellow citizens:
The world and we have passed the midway point of a century of continuing challenge. We sense with all our faculties that forces of good and evil are massed and armed and opposed as rarely before in history.
This fact defines the meaning of this day. We are summoned by this honored and historic ceremony to witness more than the act of one citizen swearing his oath of service, in the presence of God. We are called as a people to give testimony in the sight of the world to our faith that the future shall belong to the free.
... Yet the promise of this life is imperiled by the very genius that has made it possible. Nations amass wealth. Labor sweats to create--and turns out devices to level not only mountains but also cities. Science seems ready to confer upon us, as its final gift, the power to erase human life from this planet.
At such a time in history, we who are free must proclaim anew our faith. This faith is the abiding creed of our fathers. It is our faith in the deathless dignity of man, governed by eternal moral and natural laws.
This faith defines our full view of life. It establishes, beyond debate, those gifts of the Creator that are man's inalienable rights, and that make all men equal in His sight.
In the light of this equality, we know that the virtues most cherished by free people--love of truth, pride of work, devotion to country--all are treasures equally precious in the lives of the most humble and of the most exalted. The men who mine coal and fire furnaces and balance ledgers and turn lathes and pick cotton and heal the sick and plant corn--all serve as proudly, and as profitably, for America as the statesmen who draft treaties and the legislators who enact laws.
This faith rules our whole way of life. It decrees that we, the people, elect leaders not to rule but to serve. It asserts that we have the right to choice of our own work and to the reward of our own toil. It inspires the initiative that makes our productivity the wonder of the world. And it warns that any man who seeks to deny equality among all his brothers betrays the spirit of the free and invites the mockery of the tyrant.
It is because we, all of us, hold to these principles that the political changes accomplished this day do not imply turbulence, upheaval or disorder. Rather this change expresses a purpose of strengthening our dedication and devotion to the precepts of our founding documents, a conscious renewal of faith in our country and in the watchfulness of a Divine Providence.
The enemies of this faith know no god but force, no devotion but its use. They tutor men in treason. They feed upon the hunger of others. Whatever defies them, they torture, especially the truth.
...These basic precepts are not lofty abstractions, far removed from matters of daily living. They are laws of spiritual strength that generate and define our material strength. Patriotism means equipped forces and a prepared citizenry. Moral stamina means more energy and more productivity, on the farm and in the factory. Love of liberty means the guarding of every resource that makes freedom possible--from the sanctity of our families and the wealth of our soil to the genius of our scientists.
...This is the hope that beckons us onward in this century of trial. This is the work that awaits us all, to be done with bravery, with charity, and with prayer to Almighty God.
THE FOUNDING FATHERS expressed in words for all to read the ideal of Government based upon the dignity of the individual. That ideal previously had existed only in the hearts and minds of men. They produced the timeless documents upon which the Nation is founded and has grown great. They, recognizing God as the author of individual rights, declared that the purpose of Government is to secure those rights.
To you and to me this ideal of Government is a self-evident truth. But in many lands the State claims to be the author of human rights. The tragedy of that claim runs through all history and, indeed, dominates our own times. If the State gives rights, it can-and inevitably will-take away those rights.
Without God, there could be no American form of Government, nor an American way of life. Recognition of the Supreme Being is the first-the most basic-expression of Americanism. Thus the Founding Fathers saw it, and thus, with God's help, it will continue to be.
It is significant, I believe, that the American Legion-an organization of war veterans-has seen fit to conduct a "Back to God" movement as part of its Americanism program. Veterans realize, perhaps more clearly than others, the prior place that Almighty God holds in our national life. And they can appreciate, through personal experience, that the really decisive battleground of American freedom is in the hearts and minds of our own people.
Now, if I may make a personal observation-you, my fellow citizens, have bestowed upon my associates and myself, ordinary men, the honor and the duty of serving you in the administration of your Government. More and more we are conscious of the magnitude of that task.
The path we travel is narrow and long, beset with many dangers. Each day we must ask that Almighty God will set and keep His protecting hand over us so that we may pass on to those who come after us the heritage of a free people, secure in their God-given rights and in full control of a Government dedicated to the preservation of those rights. I can ask nothing more of each of you-of all Americans-than that you join with the American Legion in its present campaign.
All of the great qualities we find in the Bill of Rights spring right out of our forefathers' statement, men are endowed by their Creator--not by anybody else--by their Creator with certain rights, and those are incorporated in our Bill of Rights. And it seems to me that the history, at least, of religion and its effect on our civilization should be taught. But we are not now, when we are talking moral values, we are not necessarily talking any religion; we are talking honesty and integrity--in Government and in the home, in the school and everywhere in our whole lives. That is really what we are getting at, at the moment, as I see it.
Mr. Chairman, Mr. Vice President, Mr. Chief Justice, Mr. Speaker, members of my family and friends, my countrymen, and the friends of my country, wherever they may be, we meet again, as upon a like moment four years ago, and again you have witnessed my solemn oath of service to you.
I, too, am a witness, today testifying in your name to the principles and purposes to which we, as a people, are pledged.
Before all else, we seek, upon our common labor as a nation, the blessings of Almighty God. And the hopes in our hearts fashion the deepest prayers of our whole people.
1 - Inaugural Address, January 20, 1961. Video.
Note: The President spoke at 12:52 p.m. from a platform erected at the east front of the Capitol. Immediately before the address the oath of office was administered by Chief Justice Warren.
The President's opening words "Reverend Clergy" referred to His Eminence Richard Cardinal Cushing, Archbishop of Boston; His Eminence Archbishop Iakovos, head of the Greek Archdiocese of North and South America; the Reverend Dr. John Barclay, pastor of the Central Christian Church, Austin, Tex.; and Rabbi Dr. Nelson Glueck, President of the Hebrew Union College, Cincinnati, Ohio.
"Vice President Johnson, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice president Nixon, President Truman, Reverend Clergy, fellow citizens:
"We observe today not a victory of party but a celebration of freedom--symbolizing an end as well as a beginning--signifying renewal as well as change. For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago.
"The world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe-the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state but from the hand of God.
... "And so, my fellow Americans: ask not what your country can do for you--ask what you can do for your country.
"My fellow citizens of the world: ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.
"Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own."
Johnson, Lyndon B.
(1908-1973)
36th President of the United States. Read about Johnson here.
My fellow countrymen, on this occasion, the oath I have taken before you and before God is not mine alone, but ours together. We are one nation and one people. Our fate as a nation and our future as a people rest not upon one citizen, but upon all citizens.
... If we fail now, we shall have forgotten in abundance what we learned in hardship: that democracy rests on faith, that freedom asks more than it gives, and that the judgment of God is harshest on those who are most favored.
"We know, as Abraham Lincoln said in the midst of war, that 'the Almighty has his own purposes-; but that men must be firm in the right, as God gives them to see the right. How we shall be judged, we may never know. Yet we believe, as a great theologian wrote, that the whole drama of human history is under the scrutiny of a divine judge who laughs at human pretensions, without being hostile to human aspirations.
"That is the mercy of God--that, and the spirit that moves men to compassion and courage, that calls forth the best within them in the darkest hours.
"I shall close, this morning, with a prayer that I heard in northern Australia in the town of Townsville on a Sunday morning during my trip to Asia and the Pacific last fall. And because I was then going to a council of nations meeting in Manila, and on to visit our brave and selfless men in Vietnam, to deal with the gravest questions of war and peace, this prayer had a very special and a very profound significance to me. Since I have returned home, it has not lost its power to speak to me, and to speak for me.
"-O God, Who has bound us together in this bundle of life, give us grace to understand how our lives depend upon the courage, the industry, the honesty, and the integrity of our fellow men, that we may be mindful of their needs, grateful for their faithfulness, and faithful in our responsibilities to them, through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen.-"
37th President of the United States. Read more about Nixon here.
WORKS
Inaugural Address,
January 20, 1969.
I have taken an oath today in the presence of God and my countrymen to uphold and defend the Constitution of the United States. To that oath I now add this sacred commitment: I shall consecrate my Office, my energies, and all the wisdom I can summon to the cause of peace among nations.
... I have taken an oath today in the presence of God and my countrymen to uphold and defend the Constitution of the United States. To that oath I now add this sacred commitment: I shall consecrate my Office, my energies, and all the wisdom I can summon to the cause of peace among nations.
... Our destiny offers not the cup of despair, but the chalice of opportunity. So let us seize it not in fear, but in gladness-and "riders on the earth together," let us go forward, firm in our faith, steadfast in our purpose, cautious of the dangers, but sustained by our confidence in the will of God and the promise of man.
Second Inaugural Address,
January 20, 1973.
I, RICHARD NIXON, do solemnly swear that I will faithfully execute the Office of President of the United States, and will to the best of my ability, preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States, so help me God.
...We have the chance today to do more than ever before in our history to make life better in America--to ensure better education, better health, better housing, better transportation, a cleaner environment-to restore respect for law, to make our communities more livable--and to ensure the God-given right of every American to full and equal opportunity.
... We shall answer to God, to history, and to our conscience for the way in which we use these years.
As I stand in this place, so hallowed by history, I think of others who have stood here before me. I think of the dreams they had for America and I think of how each recognized that he needed help far beyond himself in order to make those dreams come true.
Today I ask your prayers that in the years ahead I may have God's help in making decisions that are right for America, and I pray for your help so that together we may be worthy of our challenge.
Let us pledge together to make these next 4 years the best 4 years in America's history, so that on its 200th birthday America will be as young and as vital as when it began, and as bright a beacon of hope for all the world.
Let us go forward from here confident in hope, strong in our faith in one another, sustained by our faith in God who created us, and striving always to serve His purpose.
Proclamation 4170 - Thanksgiving Day, 1972, November 17th, 1972. BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, A PROCLAMATION. -- When the first settlers gathered to offer their thanks to the God who had protected them on the edge of a wilderness, they established anew on American shores a thanksgiving tradition as old as Western man himself.
'From Moses at the Red Sea to Jesus preparing to feed the multitudes, the Scriptures summon us to words and deeds of gratitude, even before divine blessings are fully perceived. From Washington kneeling at Valley Forge to the prayer of an astronaut circling the moon, our own history repeats that summons and proves its practicality.'
Billy Graham.Funeral Services of President Nixon. "However, there was another side to him that is more personal, more intimate, more human that we have heard referred to several time today, and that was his family, his neighbors, and his friends, who are gathered here today. It was a side that many people did not see, for Richard Nixon was a private person in some ways. And then some people thought there was a shyness about him. Others sometimes found him hard to get to know. There were hundreds of little things he did for ordinary people that no one would have ever known about. He always had a compassion for people who were hurting. No one could ever understand Richard Nixon unless they understood the family from which he came, the Quaker church that he attended, Whittier College where he studied, and the land and the people in this area where you are sitting today. His roots were deep in this part of California....But there is still another side to him that was his strong and growing faith in God. He never wore his religious faith on his sleeve, but was rather reticent to speak about it in public. He could have had more reasons than most for not attending church while he occupied the White House when there were so many demonstrations and threats going on. But he wanted to set an example, and he decided to have services most Sundays in the White House with a small congregation and a clergyman from various denominations."
Proclamation 4338 - National Day of Prayer, 1974; December 5, 1974.
Ours is a Nation built upon a belief in a Creator who has endowed all men with inalienable rights, and faith in that Creator permeates every aspect of our way of life.
With characteristically quiet eloquence, President Dwight D. Eisenhower once described the central role of religion in American life:
"Without God there could be no American form of government, nor an American way of life. Recognition of the Supreme Being is the first-the most basic-expression of Americanism. Thus the founding fathers of America saw it, and thus with God's help, it will continue to be."
Let us pray, each in our own way, for the strength and the will to meet the challenges that face us today with the same profound faith in God that inspired the Founders of this Nation.
Let us pray, as our Fathers prayed, for the wisdom to know God's way and the determination to follow it.
Let us pray that God will continue to bless this great and good land as abundantly in the future as He has in the past.
.In 1952 the Congress directed the President to set aside a suitable day other than a Sunday each year as a National Day of Prayer, in recognition of the profound religious faith on which America is built.
Now, THEREFORE, I, GERALD R. FORD, President of the United States of America, do hereby proclaim Wednesday, December 18, as National Day of Prayer, 1974.
I call upon all Americans to pray that day, each after his or her own manner and convictions, for Deity's blessing on our land and for peace on earth, goodwill among all men.
IN WITNESS WHEREOF, I have hereunto set my hand this fifth day of December, in the year of our Lord nineteen hundred seventy-four, and of the Independence of the United States of America the one hundred ninety-ninth.
Remarks at the National Prayer Breakfast, January 30th, 1975.
"On the day that I suddenly became President of the United States, after all the guests had gone, I walked through some of the empty rooms on the first floor of the White House and stopped by that marble mantle in the dining room to read the words carved in it--words that were a prayer of the first President who ever occupied the White House: 'I pray to heaven to bestow the best of blessings on this house, and all that shall hereafter inhabit it,' John Adams wrote. 'May none but honest and wise men ever rule under this roof.'
"I am grateful to President Adams for leaving that message and to all who have said amen to it for nearly two centuries.
"My own prayer is for God's continued blessing and God's continued guidance for our country and all its people whose servants we in government strive to be."
Inaugural Address, January 20, 1977.
Here before me is the Bible used in the inauguration of our first President, in 1789, and I have just taken the oath of office on the Bible my mother gave me just a few years ago, opened to a timeless admonition from the ancient prophet Micah: "He hath showed thee, O man, what is good; and what doth the Lord require of thee, but to do justly, and to love mercy, and to walk humbly with thy God."
The Role of Faith in President Jimmy Carter's Life. From "Special Report With Brit Hume" from Dec. 26, 2005. Posted December 27, 2005.
"In the Book of John, when Christ was questioned by one of the Pharisees, he said, "You must be born again to have a new life as one of my followers." So being born again is just like breathing for us. It was a phrase that we used without question for the first 50 years of my existence. And then, of course, evangelical to me is someone who relates their experience with Christ and others in hopes that the other person will accept Christ as savior. So I look upon both these not as a matter of liberal versus consecutive, or fundamentalist versus progressive, or whatever, but as a standard description of someone who is a believer in Christ and who follows the Bible."
... "I just follow the words of Jesus Christ who said, "Render unto Caesar the things that are Caesar's, and unto God the things that are God's," which to me was an admonition from our savior to separate political affairs from religious affairs."
Reagan, Ronald
(1911-2004)
40th President of the United States. Read more about Reagan here and here.
WORKS
Inaugural Address, January 20, 1981. "I'm told that tens of thousands of prayer meetings are being held on this day, and for that I'm deeply grateful. We are a nation under God, and I believe God intended for us to be free. It would be fitting and good, I think, if on each Inaugural Day in future years it should be declared a day of prayer."
Address Before a Joint Session of the Congress Reporting on the State of the Union. January 26, 1982. "We have made pledges of a new frankness in our public statements and worldwide broadcasts. In the face of a climate of falsehood and misinformation, we've promised the world a season of truth--the truth of our great civilized ideas: individual liberty, representative government, the rule of law under God. We've never needed walls or minefields or barbed wire to keep our people in. Nor do we declare martial law to keep our people from voting for the kind of government they want."
Remarks at the Annual Meeting of the United States Chamber of Commerce. April 26, 1982. "I believe standing up for America also means standing up for the God who has so blessed this land. We've strayed so far, it may be later than we think. There's a hunger in our land to see traditional values reflected in public policy again. "To those who cite the first amendment as reason for excluding God from more and more of our institutions and everyday life, may I just point out, the first amendment of the Constitution was not written to protect the people of this country from religious values--it was written to protect religious values from government tyranny."
Remarks at the Annual Convention of the National Religious Broadcasters. January 31, 1983. "Malcolm Muggeridge, the brilliant English commentator, has written, 'The most important happening in the world today is the resurgence of Christianity in the Soviet Union, demonstrating that the whole effort sustained over 60 years to brainwash the Russian people into accepting materialism has been a fiasco.' "Think of it: the most awesome military machine in history, but it is no match for that one, single man, hero, strong yet tender, Prince of Peace. His name alone, Jesus, can lift our hearts, soothe our sorrows, heal our wounds, and drive away our fears. He gave us love and forgiveness. He taught us truth and left us hope. In the Book of John is the promise that we all go by -- tells us that 'For God so loved the world that He gave His only begotten Son, that whosoever believeth in Him should not perish, but have everlasting life.'
Remarks at the Annual Convention of the National Association of Evangelicals in Orlando, Florida. March 8, 1983. "We know that living in this world means dealing with what philosophers would call the phenomenology of evil or, as theologians would put it, the doctrine of sin. There is sin and evil in the world, and we're enjoined by Scripture and the Lord Jesus to oppose it with all our might."
Remarks at a Spirit of America Rally in Atlanta, Georgia. January 26, 1984. "We are a nation under God. I've always believed that this blessed land was set apart in a special way, that some divine plan placed this great continent here between the oceans to be found by people from every corner of the Earth who had a special love for freedom and the courage to uproot themselves, leave homeland and friends, to come to a strange land. And coming here they created something new in all the history of mankind'a land where man is not beholden to government, government is beholden to man."
Remarks at the Annual Convention of the National Religious Broadcasters. January 30, 1984. "God's most blessed gift to His family is the gift of life. He sent us the Prince of Peace as a babe in a manger. I've said that we must be cautious in claiming God is on our side. I think the real question we must answer is, are we on His side?"
Message on the Observance of Independence Day, 1986. July 3, 1986. "In order to give that new nation shape and direction they [The Founding Fathers] drew freely on the riches of the Judeo-Christian tradition with its central affirmation that God, not chance, rules in the affairs of men, and that each of us has an inviolable dignity because we have been fashioned in the image and likeness of our Creator. The Founding Fathers established a nation under God, ruled not by arbitrary decrees of kings or the whims of entrenched elites but by the consent of the governed."
It's wonderful to be here this morning. The past few days have been pretty busy for all of us, but I've wanted to be with you today to share some of my own thoughts.
These past few weeks it seems that we've all been hearing a lot of talk about religion and its role in politics, religion and its place in the political life of the Nation. And I think it's appropriate today, at a prayer breakfast for 17,000 citizens in the State of Texas during a great political convention, that this issue be addressed.
I don't speak as a theologian or a scholar, only as one who's lived a little more than his threescore ten -- which has been a source of annoyance to some -- [laughter] -- and as one who has been active in the political life of the Nation for roughly four decades and now who's served the past 3-1/2 years in our highest office. I speak, I think I can say, as one who has seen much, who has loved his country, and who's seen it change in many ways.
I believe that faith and religion play a critical role in the political life of our nation -- and always has -- and that the church -- and by that I mean all churches, all denominations -- has had a strong influence on the state. And this has worked to our benefit as a nation.
Those who created our country -- the Founding Fathers and Mothers -- understood that there is a divine order which transcends the human order. They saw the state, in fact, as a form of moral order and felt that the bedrock of moral order is religion.
The Mayflower Compact began with the words, 'In the name of God, amen.' The Declaration of Independence appeals to 'Nature's God' and the 'Creator' and 'the Supreme Judge of the world.' Congress was given a chaplain, and the oaths of office are oaths before God.
James Madison in the Federalist Papers admitted that in the creation of our Republic he perceived the hand of the Almighty. John Jay, the first Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, warned that we must never forget the God from whom our blessings flowed.
George Washington referred to religion's profound and unsurpassed place in the heart of our nation quite directly in his Farewell Address in 1796. Seven years earlier, France had erected a government that was intended to be purely secular. This new government would be grounded on reason rather than the law of God. By 1796 the French Revolution had known the Reign of Terror.
And Washington voiced reservations about the idea that there could be a wise policy without a firm moral and religious foundation. He said, 'Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political prosperity, Religion and morality are indispensable supports. In vain would that man (call
himself a patriot) who (would) labour to subvert these ... firmest props of the duties of men and citizens. The mere Politician ... (and) the pious man ought to respect and to cherish (religion and morality.' And he added, '... let us with caution indulge the supposition, that morality can be maintained without religion.'
I believe that George Washington knew the City of Man cannot survive without the City of God, that the Visible City will perish without the Invisible City.
Religion played not only a strong role in our national life; it played a positive role. The abolitionist movement was at heart a moral and religious movement; so was the modern civil rights struggle. And throughout this time, the state was tolerant of religious belief, expression, and practice.
Society, too, was tolerant.
But in the 1960's this began to change. We began to make great steps toward secularizing our
nation and removing religion from its honored place.
In 1962 the Supreme Court in the New York prayer case banned the compulsory saying of prayers. In 1963 the Court banned the reading of the Bible in our public schools. From that point
on, the courts pushed the meaning of the ruling ever outward, so that now our children are not allowed voluntary prayer. We even had to pass a law -- we passed a special law in the Congress
just a few weeks ago to allow student prayer groups the same access to schoolrooms after classes that a young Marxist society, for example, would already enjoy with no opposition.
The 1962 decision opened the way to a flood of similar suits. Once religion had been made vulnerable, a series of assaults were made in one court after another, on one issue after another. Cases were started to argue against tax-exempt status for churches. Suits were brought to abolish the words 'under God' from the Pledge of Allegiance and to remove 'In God We Trust' from public documents and from our currency.
Today there are those who are fighting to make sure voluntary prayer is not returned to the classrooms. And the frustrating thing for the great majority of Americans who support and understand the special importance of religion in the national life -- the frustrating thing is that those who are attacking religion claim they are doing it in the name of tolerance, freedom, and openmindedness. Question: Isn't the real truth that they are intolerant of religion? [Applause]
They refuse to tolerate its importance in our lives.
If all the children of our country studied together all of the many religions in our country, wouldn't they learn greater tolerance of each other's beliefs? If children prayed together, would they not understand what they have in common, and would this not, indeed, bring them closer, and is this not to be desired? So, I submit to you that those who claim to be fighting for tolerance on this issue may not be tolerant at all.
When John Kennedy was running for President in 1960, he said that his church would not dictate his Presidency any more than he would speak for his church. Just so, and proper. But John Kennedy was speaking in an America in which the role of religion -- and by that I mean the role of all churches -- was secure. Abortion was not a political issue. Prayer was not a political issue. The right of church schools to operate was not a political issue. And it was broadly acknowledged that religious leaders had a right and a duty to speak out on the issues of the day. They held a place of respect, and a politician who spoke to or of them with a lack of respect would not long survive in the political arena.
It was acknowledged then that religion held a special place, occupied a special territory in the hearts of the citizenry. The climate has changed greatly since then. And since it has, it logically follows that religion needs defenders against those who care only for the interests of the state.
There are, these days, many questions on which religious leaders are obliged to offer their moral and theological guidance, and such guidance is a good and necessary thing. To know how a church and its members feel on a public issue expands the parameters of debate. It does not narrow the debate; it expands it.
The truth is, politics and morality are inseparable. And as morality's foundation is religion, religion and politics are necessarily related. We need religion as a guide. We need it because we are imperfect, and our government needs the church, because only those humble enough to admit they're sinners can bring to democracy the tolerance it requires in order to survive.
A state is nothing more than a reflection of its citizens; the more decent the citizens, the more decent the state. If you practice a religion, whether you're Catholic, Protestant, Jewish, or guided by some other faith, then your private life will be influenced by a sense of moral obligation, and so, too, will your public life. One affects the other. The churches of America do not exist by the grace of the state; the churches of America are not mere citizens of the state. The churches of America exist apart; they have their own vantage point, their own authority. Religion is its own realm; it makes its own claims.
We establish no religion in this country, nor will we ever. We command no worship. We mandate no belief. But we poison our society when we remove its theological underpinnings. We court corruption when we leave it bereft of belief. All are free to believe or not believe; all are free to practice a faith or not. But those who believe must be free to speak of and act on their belief, to apply moral teaching to public questions.
I submit to you that the tolerant society is open to and encouraging of all religions. And this does not weaken us; it strengthens us, it makes us strong. You know, if we look back through history to all those great civilizations, those great nations that rose up to even world dominance and then
deteriorated, declined, and fell, we find they all had one thing in common. One of the significant forerunners of their fall was their turning away from their God or gods.
Without God, there is no virtue, because there's no prompting of the conscience. Without God, we're mired in the material, that flat world that tells us only what the senses perceive. Without
God, there is a coarsening of the society. And without God, democracy will not and cannot long endure. If we ever forget that we're one nation under God, then we will be a nation gone under.
If I could just make a personal statement of my own -- in these 3-1/2 years I have understood and known better than ever before the words of Lincoln, when he said that he would be the greatest fool on this footstool called Earth if he ever thought that for one moment he could perform the
duties of that office without help from One who is stronger than all.
I thank you, thank you for inviting us here today. Thank you for your kindness and your patience. May God keep you, and may we, all of us, keep God.
Thank you.
Note: The President spoke at 9:26 a.m. at Reunion Arena. He was introduced by Martha Weisend, cochair of the Texas Reagan-Bush campaign.
41st President of the United States. Read more about President Bush here.
WORKS
Inaugural Address, January 20, 1989.
We meet on democracy's front porch. A good place to talk as neighbors and as friends. For this is a day when our nation is made whole, when our differences, for a moment, are suspended. And my first act as President is a prayer. I ask you to bow your heads.
Heavenly Father, we bow our heads and thank You for Your love. Accept our thanks for the peace that yields this day and the shared faith that makes its continuance likely. Make us strong to do Your work, willing to heed and hear Your will, and write on our hearts these words: "Use power to help people." For we are given power not to advance our own purposes, nor to make a great show in the world, nor a name. There is but one just use of power, and it is to serve people. Help us remember, Lord. Amen.
... Thank you. God bless you. And God bless the United States of America.
"At Christmas, we celebrate the promise of salvation that God gave to mankind almost 2,000 years ago. The birth of Christ changed the course of history, and His life changed the soul of man. Christ taught that giving is the greatest of all aspirations and that the redemptive power of love and sacrifice is stronger than any force of arms. It is testimony to the wisdom and the truth of these teachings that they have not only endured but also flourished over two millennia."
Inaugural Address, January 20, 1993.
My fellow citizens, today we celebrate the mystery of American renewal. This ceremony is held in the depth of winter, but by the words we speak and the faces we show the world, we force the spring, a spring reborn in the world's oldest democracy that brings forth the vision and courage to reinvent America. When our Founders boldly declared America's independence to the world and our purposes to the Almighty, they knew that America, to endure, would have to change; not change for change's sake but change to preserve America's ideals: life, liberty, the pursuit of happiness.
... And so, my fellow Americans, as we stand at the edge of the 21st century, let us begin anew with energy and hope, with faith and discipline. And let us work until our work is done. The Scripture says, "And let us not be weary in well doing: for in due season we shall reap, if we faint not." From this joyful mountaintop of celebration we hear a call to service in the valley. We have heard the trumpets. We have changed the guard. And now, each in our own way and with God's help, we must answer the call.
Thank you, and God bless you all.
Thanksgiving Day Proclamation 1996. November 11, 1996.
America's oldest tradition, Thanksgiving is also a reaffirmation of our most deeply held values; a public recognition that, in the words of Thomas Jefferson, "God who gave us life gave us liberty." In gratitude for God's gift of freedom and "for all the great and various favors which he hath been pleased to confer upon us," George Washington made Thanksgiving his first proclamation for the new Nation, and it is one we are privileged to renew each year.
Much has changed for America in the two centuries since that first Thanksgiving proclamation. Generations of hardworking men and women have cultivated our soil and worked the land, and today America's bounty helps feed the world. The promise of freedom that sustained our founders through the hardships of the Revolution and the first challenging days of nationhood has become a reality for millions of immigrants who left their homelands for a new life on these shores. And the light of that freedom now shines brightly in many nations that once lived in the shadows of tyranny and oppression.
But across the years, we still share an unbroken bond with the men and women who first proclaimed Thanksgiving in our land. Americans today still cherish the fresh air of freedom, in which we can raise our families and worship God as we choose without fear of persecution. We still rejoice in this great land and in the civil and religious liberty it offers to all. And we still -- and always -- raise our voices in prayer to God, thanking Him in humility for the countless blessings He has bestowed on our Nation and our people. ...
Message on the Observance of Christmas, 1999. December 21, 1999. Public Papers of the Presidents. William J. Clinton -- 1999. Volume 2. From the U.S. Government Printing Office via GPO Access.
Warm greetings to everyone celebrating Christmas.
Saint Matthew's Gospel tells us that, on the first Christmas 2000 years ago, a bright star shone vividly in the eastern sky, heralding the birth of Jesus and the beginning of His hallowed mission as teacher, healer, servant, and savior. Jesus' birth in poverty proclaimed the intrinsic dignity and brotherhood of all humanity, and His luminous teachings have brought hope and joy to generations of believers. Today, as the world stands at the dawn of a new millennium, His timeless message of God's enduring and unconditional love for each and every person continues to strengthen and inspire us.
During this blessed season and the Jubilee Year it inaugurates, let us share the gift of God's love by giving of ourselves and by sharing generously with those in need. Let us reach out to those who are different from us, yet one in the human family, by living the profound and universal lesson Jesus taught us: that we are to love our neighbors as ourselves. Let us, like Jesus, become true peacemakers, bringing the gift of peace to our homes, our schools, our communities, and our
nation. And let us continue to reach out when and where we can to give new hope to the most impoverished and to help resolve conflicts, both ancient and new, in regions around the world.
Love, peace, joy, hope--so many beautiful words are woven through our Christmas songs and prayers and traditions. As we celebrate this last Christmas of the 20th century, let us resolve to build a future where all people learn to love one another and to live together in harmony; where our children know true joy; and where our hopes for peace, freedom, and prosperity for all are finally realized.
Hillary joins me in extending best wishes for a wonderful Christmas celebration and every happiness in the new year.
Bush, George W.
(1946- )
43rd President of the United States. Read more about President Bush here and here.
WORKS
Inaugural Address, January 20, 2001.
We are not this story's author, who fills time and eternity with his purpose. Yet, his purpose is achieved in our duty. And our duty is fulfilled in service to one another. Never tiring, never yielding, never finishing, we renew that purpose today, to make our country more just and generous, to affirm the dignity of our lives and every life. This work continues, the story goes on, and an angel still rides in the whirlwind and directs this storm.
God bless you all, and God bless America.
A Charge to Keep: My Journey to the White House. HarperCollins, 2001. 256 pp.
"As I studied and learned, Scripture took on greater meaning, and gained confidence and understanding in my faith. I read the Bible regularly. Don Evans gave me the "one-year" Bible, a Bible divided into 365 daily readings, each one including a section from the New Testament, the Old Testament, Psalms, and Proverbs. I read through that Bible every other year. During the years in between, I pick different chapters to study at different times.
"I have also learned the power of prayer. I pray for guidance. I do not pray for earthly things, but for heavenly things, for wisdom and patience and understanding. My faith gives me focus and perspective. It teaches humility. But I also recognize that faith can be misinterpreted in the political process. Faith is an important part of my life. I believe it is important to live my faith, not flaunt it."
Obama II, Barack Hussein
(1961- )
44th President of the United States. Read more about President Obama here and here.
WORKS
Inaugural Address, January 20, 2009.
In the year of America's birth, in the coldest of months, a small band of patriots huddled by dying campfires on the shores of an icy river. The Capital was abandoned. The enemy was advancing. The snow was stained with blood. At a moment when the outcome of our Revolution was most in doubt, the Father of our Nation ordered these words be read to the people:
"Let it be told to the future world . . . that in the depth of winter, when nothing but hope and virtue could survive . . . that the city and the country, alarmed at one common danger, came forth to meet [it]."
America, in the face of our common dangers, in this winter of our hardship, let us remember these timeless words. With hope and virtue, let us brave once more the icy currents and endure what storms may come. Let it be said by our children's children that when we were tested, we refused to let this journey end; that we did not turn back, nor did we falter. And with eyes fixed on the horizon and God's grace upon us, we carried forth that great gift of freedom and delivered it safely to future generations.
Thank you. God bless you, and God bless the United States of America.
"I'm a Christian by choice. My family didn't - frankly, they weren't folks who went to church every week. And my mother was one of the most spiritual people I knew, but she didn't raise me in the church.
"So I came to my Christian faith later in life, and it was because the precepts of Jesus Christ spoke to me in terms of the kind of life that I would want to lead - being my brothers' and sisters' keeper, treating others as they would treat me."
"And I think also understanding that Jesus Christ dying for my sins spoke to the humility we all have to have as human beings, that we're sinful and we're flawed and we make mistakes, and that we achieve salvation through the grace of God. But what we can do, as flawed as we are, is still see God in other people and do our best to help them find their own grace."
"And so that's what I strive to do. That's what I pray to do every day. I think my public service is part of that effort to express my Christian faith. And it's--but one thing I want to emphasize, having spoken about something that obviously relates to me very personally, as president of the United States I'm also somebody who deeply believes that part of the bedrock strength of this country is that it embraces people of many faiths and no faith. That this is a country that is still predominantly Christian, but we have Jews, Muslims, Hindus, atheists, agnostics, Buddhists, and that their own path to grace is one that we have to revere and respect as much as our own."
Edward Currier. The Political Textbook: containing the Declaration of Independence, with the lives of the signers; the Constitution of the United States; the inaugural addresses and first annual messages of all the Presidents, from Washington to Tyler; the farewell addresses of George Washington and Andrew Jackson; and a variety of useful tables, etc.
Laing, John, 1828-1902. Religious instruction in our public schools, being a number of letters published in the Toronto 'Mail'.. Toronto Mail Printg. Co. 1883. 46 pp.
INTRODUCTION. That religion and morals form an important part of education all will admit. Those also who know God's Book are unanimous in affirming that even for literary purposes there is no book like the Bible. Its elevated, pure, unselfish tone; its rich, but chaste imagery; its peerless parables and allegories; its sublime, grand poetry; its history, so ancient, life-like and instructive-all combine with the transcendent and eternal import- ance of its chief themes, and its power to affect the life of man, to save and raise him morally and intellectually, to make the Bible the best of school-books. If the development of noble, pure, intelligent, robust manhood is the end of education, then the Bible is worth more than any other text-book in the wide world.
Appendix One:
Presidential Acknowledgements of God
Presented by the Legal Brief of Liberty Counsel, Wallbuilders and William J. Federer as Amicus Curiae in Support of ELK GROVE UNITED SCHOOL DISTRICT and DAVID W. GORDEN, Petitioners, v. MICHAEL A. NEWDOW, Respondent. On Writ of Certiorari to the United States Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit.
Every President of the United States, since Washington,
has taken the Oath of Office with his hand placed upon the
Bible. Engle v. Vitale, 370 U.S. 421, 436 (1962). Every
President has ended his Oath with, 'So help me, God.' Id. At
436. Every President, without exception, has acknowledged
God upon entering office:
George Washington, 1st, '... that Almighty Being who
rules over the universe...' Paul M. Angle, ed., By These Words, Washington's First Inaugural Address, April 30. 1789, p.185. (1954), citing James D. Richardson, A Compilation of the Messages and Papers of the Presidents, 1789-1897 (Washington, 1899), VI, pp. 445-59;
John Adams, 2nd, '... that Being who is supreme over
all, the Patron of Order, the Fountain of Justice...' Inaugural
Addresses of the Presidents of the United States (1989);
Thomas Jefferson, 3rd, 'And may that Infinite Power
which rules the destinies of the universe lead our councils to
what is best, and give them a favorable issue for your peace and
prosperity.' Angle, Jefferson's First Inaugural Address, March 4, 1801, p.226 (1954); Lee v. Weisman, 505 U.S. 577, 634 (1992), citing Inaugural Addresses of the Presidents, S. Doc. 101-10, p. 17;
James Madison, 4th, '... that Almighty Being whose
power regulates the destiny of nations, whose blessings have
been so conspicuously dispensed to this rising Republic, and to
whom we are bound to address our devout gratitude for the
past, as well as our fervent supplications and best hopes for the
future.' Lee v. Weisman, 505 U.S. at 634, citing Inaugural Addresses at p. 28;
James Monroe, 5th, '... with a firm reliance on the
protection of Almighty God...' Inaugural Addresses;
John Quincy Adams, 6th, '... knowing that 'Except the
Lord keep the city, the watchman waketh in vain'...' Id.;
Andrew Jackson, 7th, '... my fervent prayer to that
Almighty Being before whom I now stand...' Id.;
Martin Van Buren, 8th, '... that Divine Being whose
strengthening support I humbly solicit...' Id.;
William Henry Harrison, 9th, '... the Beneficent Creator
has made no distinction amongst men...' Id.;
John Tyler, 10th, '... the all-wise and all-powerful Being
who made me...' Id.;
James Polk, 11th, '... in their worship of the Almighty
according to the dictates of their own conscience...' Id.;
Zachary Taylor, 12th, '... to which the goodness of
Divine Providence has conducted our common country...' Id.;
Millard Fillmore, 13th, '... it has pleased Almighty God
to remove from this life Zachary Taylor...' Id.;
Franklin Pierce, 14th, '... humble, acknowledged
dependence upon God and His overruling providence...' Id.;
James Buchanan, 15th, 'In entering upon this great
office I must humbly invoke the God of our fathers...' Id.;
Abraham Lincoln, 16th, 'Intelligence, patriotism,
Christianity, and a firm reliance on Him, who has never yet
forsaken this favored land, are still competent to adjust, in the
best way, all our present difficulty.' Angle, By These Words, Lincoln's First Inaugural Address, March 4, 1861 at 305.
Andrew Johnson, 17th, '... grief on earth which can only
be assuaged by communion with the Father in heaven...'
Inaugural Addresses;
Ulysses S. Grant, 18th, 'I do believe that our Great
Maker is preparing the world, in His own good time...' Id.;
Rutherford B. Hayes, 19th, '... guidance of that Divine
Hand by which the destinies of nations and individuals are
shaped...'Id.;
James Garfield, 20th, '... their fathers' God that the
Union was preserved, that slavery was overthrown...' Id.;
Chester Arthur, 21st, 'I assume the trust imposed by the
Constitution, relying for aid on Divine Guidance...' Id.;
Grover Cleveland, 22nd, '... the power and goodness of
Almighty God who presides over the destiny of nations...' Id.;
Benjamin Harrison, 23rd, '... invoke and confidently
extend the favor and help of Almighty God - that He will give
me wisdom...' Id.;
Grover Cleveland, 24th, 'I know there is a Supreme
Being who rules the affairs of men and whose goodness and
mercy have...'
William McKinley, 25th, 'Our faith teaches that there
is no safer reliance than upon the God of our fathers...' Id.;
Theodore Roosevelt, 26th, '... with gratitude to the
Giver of Good who has blessed us with the conditions which
have enabled us...' Id.;
Howard Taft, 27th, '... support of my fellow-citizens
and the aid of the Almighty God in the discharge of my
responsible duties...' Id.;
Woodrow Wilson, 28th, 'I summon all honest men, all
patriotic men, all froward-looking men, to my side. God
helping me, I will not fail them, if they will but counsel and
sustain me!' Angle, By These Words, Wilson's First Inaugural Address, March 4, 1913 at 423.
Warren G. Harding, 29th, '... that passage of Holy Writ
wherein it is asked: 'What doth the Lord require of thee...'
Inaugural Addresses;
Calvin Coolidge, 30th, '[America] cherishes no purpose
save to merit the favor of Almighty God...' Id.;
Herbert Hoover, 31st, 'I beg your tolerance, your aid,
and your cooperation. I ask the help of Almighty God...' Id.;
Franklin D. Roosevelt, 32nd, 'In this dedication of a
nation we humbly ask the blessing of God...' Id.;
Harry S. Truman, 33rd, '... all men are created equal
because they are created in the image of God...' Id.;
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 34th, 'At such a time in history,
we who are free must proclaim anew our faith. This faith is the
abiding creed of our fathers. It is our faith in the deathless
dignity of man, governed by eternal moral and natural laws.
This faith defines our fill view of life. It establishes, beyond
debate, those gifts of the Creator that are man's inalienable
rights, and that make all men equal in His sight ... The enemies
of this faith know no god but force, no devotion but its use...
Whatever defies them, they torture, especially the truth. Here,
then, is no argument between slightly differing philosophies.
This conflict strikes directly at the faith of our fathers and the lives of our sons... This is the work that awaits us all, to be done with bravery, with charity, and with prayer to Almighty God.' Angle, By These Words, Eisenhower's Inaugural Address,
January 20, 1953 at 532.
John F. Kennedy, 35th, '... the rights of man come not
from the generosity of the state but from the hand of God...'
Engle v. Vitale, 370 U.S. at 448.
Lyndon B. Johnson, 36th, '... the judgement of God is
harshest on those who are most favored...' Inaugural
Addresses;
Richard M. Nixon, 37th, '... as all are born equal in
dignity before God, all are born equal in dignity before
man...'Id.;
Gerald Ford, 38th, '... to uphold the Constitution, to do
what is right as God gives me to see the right...' Id.;
Jimmy Carter, 39th, '...what does the Lord require of
thee, but to do justly, and to love mercy, and to walk humbly
with thy God...' Id.;
Ronald Reagan, 40th, '... one people under God,
dedicated to the dream of freedom that He has placed in the
human heart...'Id.;
George Bush, 41st, 'Heavenly Father, we bow our heads
and thank You for Your love...' Id.;
Bill Clinton, 42nd, '... with God's help, we must answer
the call...' Id.;
George W. Bush, 43rd, '... this story's Author, Who fills
time and eternity with His purpose...' Id.
