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America's Christian Heritage
Seeds of American Freedom
Who inspired the framers of the Declaration of Independence and the U.S. Constitution? Who do the framers say inspired them? This page presents the documentation.
Sixth President of the United States.
Read more about John Quincy Adams here, here and here.
Letters of John Quincy Adams to His Son on the Bible and Its Teachings. Auburn: James M. Alden, 1850. 128 pp.
"There are three points of doctrine the belief of which forms the foundation of all morality. The first is the existence of God; the second is the immortality of the human soul; and the third is a future state of rewards and punishments. Suppose it possible for a man to disbelieve either of these three articles of faith and that man will have no conscience, he will have no other law than that of the tiger or the shark. The laws of man may bind him in chains or may put him to death, but they never can make him wise, virtuous, or happy."
... "But, it is the God of the Hebrews alone, who is announced to us as the Creator of the world. The ideas of God entertained by all the most illustrious and most ingenious nations of antiquity were weak and absurd. The Persians worshipped the sun; the Egyptians believed in an innumerable multitude of gods, and worshipped not only oxen, crocodiles, dogs, and cats, but even garlics and onions. The Greeks invented a poetical religion, and adored men and women, virtues and vices, air, water, and fire, and everything that a vivid imagination could personify. Almost all the Greek philosophers reasoned and meditated upon the nature of the gods; but scarcely any of them reflected enough even to imagine that there was but one God, and not one of them ever conceived of him as the Creator of the world. Cicero has collected together all their opinions upon the nature of the gods, and pronounced them more like the dreams of madmen than the sober judgment of wise men. In the first book of Ovid's Metamorphoses, there is an account of the change of chaos in the world. Before the sea, and the earth, and the sky that surrounds all things (says Ovid), there was a thing called chaos, and some of the gods (he does not know which), separated from each other the elements of this chaos, and turned them into the world; thus far and no farther could human reason extend. But the first words of the Bible are, 'In the beginning God created the heavens and the earth.' The blessed and sublime idea of God, as the creator of the universe, the source of all human happiness for which all the sages and philosophers of Greece and Rome groped in darkness and never found, is recalled in the first verse of the book of Genesis. I call it the source of all human virtue and happiness; because when we have attained the conception of a Being, who by the mere act of his will, created the world, it would follow as an irresistible consequence--even if we were not told that the same Being must also be the governor of his own creation--that man, with all other things, was also created by him, and must hold his felicity and virtue on the condition of obedience to his will."
..."The law given from Sinai was a civil and municipal as well as a moral and religious code; it contained many statutes adapted to that time only, and to the particular circumstances of the nation to whom it was given; they could of course be binding upon them, and only upon them, until abrogated by the same authority which enacted them, as they afterward were by the Christian dispensation: but many others were of universal application -- laws essential to the existence of men in society, and most of which have been enacted by every nation which ever professed any code of laws."
... "But if you would remark the distinguishing characteristics between true and false religion, compare the manner in which the ten commandments were proclaimed by the voice of the Almighty God, from Mount Sinai, with thunder, and lightning, and earthquake, by the sound of the trumpet, and in the hearing of six thousand souls, with the studied secresy, and mystery, and mummery, with which the Delphic and other oracles of the Grecian gods were delivered. The miraculous interpositions of Divine power recorded in every part of the Bible, are invariably marked with grandeur and sublimity worthy of the Creator of the world, and before which the gods of Homer, not excepting his Jupiter, dwindle into the most contemptible pigmies; but on no occasion was the manifestation of the Deity so solemn, so awful, so calculated to make indelible impressions upon the imaginations and souls of the mortals to whom he revealed himself, as when he appeared in the character of their Lawgiver. The law thus dispensed was, however, imperfect; it was destined to be partly suspended and improved into absolute perfection many ages afterward by the appearance of Jesus Christ upon earth. But to judge of its excellence as a system of laws, it must be compared with human codes which existed or were promulgated at nearly the same age of the world in other nations. Remember, that the law was given 1,490 years before Christ was born, at the time the Assyrian and Egyptian monarchies existed: but of their government and laws we know scarcely anything save what is collected from the Bible. Of the Phrygian, Lydian, and Trojan states, at the same period, little more is known. The president Gorget, in a very elaborate and ingenious work on the origin of letters, arts, and sciences, among the ancient nations, says, that 'the maxims, the civil and political laws of these people, are absolutely unknown; that not even an idea of them can be formed, with the single exception of the Lyclians, of whom Herodotus asserts, that their laws were the same as the Greeks.' -- The same author contrasts the total darkness and oblivion into which all the institutions of these mighty empires have fallen, with the fulness and clearness and admirable composition of the Hebrew code, which has not only descended to us entire, but still continues the national code of the Jews (scattered as they are over the whole face of the earth), and enters so largely into the legislation of almost every civilized nation upon the globe. He observes that 'these laws have been prescribed by God himself: the merely human laws of other contemporary nations can not bear any comparison with them.'"
... "But my motive in forming the comparison, is to present to your reflections as a proof--and to my mind a very strong proof-- of the reality of their divine origin: for how is it that the whole system of government, and administration, the municipal, political, ecclesiastical, military, and moral laws and institutions, which bound in society the numberless myriads of human beings who formed for many successive ages the stupendous monarchies of Africa and Asia, should have perished entirely and been obliterated from the memory of mankind, while the laws of a paltry tribe of shepherds, characterized by Tacitus, and the sneering infidelity of Gibbon, as 'the most despised portion of their slaves,' should not only have survived the wreck of those empires, but remain to this day rules of faith and practice to every enlightened nation of the world, and perishable only with it? The reason is obvious: it is their intrinsic excellence which has preserved them from the destruction which befalls all the works of mortal man. The precepts of the decalogue alone (says Gorget), disclose more sublime truths, more maxims essentially suited to the happiness of man, than all the writings of profane antiquity put together can furnish. The more you meditate on the laws of Moses, the more striking and brighter does their wisdom appear."
An Oration pronounced July 4th, 1793: at the request of the inhabitants of the town of Boston in commemoration of the anniversary of American Independence. Boston, 1793. 19 pp.
"AMERICANS! Such is the nature of the institution which again calls your attention to celebrate the establishment of your national independence. And surely since the creation of the heavenly orb which separated the day from the night, amid the unnumbered events which have diversified the history of the human race, none has ever occurred more highly deserving of celebration by every species of ceremonial, that can testify a sense of gratitude to the DEITY, and of happiness, derived from his transcendent favours."
An Oration, delivered at Plymouth, December 22, 1802: at the anniversary commemoration of the first landing of our ancestors, at that place. Boston, 1802. 29 pp.
"Another incident from which we may derive occasion for important reflections, was the attempt of these original settlers to establish among them that community of goods and of labor which fanciful politicians, from the days of Plato to those of Rousseau, have recommended as the fundamental law of a perfect republic. This theory results, it must be acknowledged, from principles of reasoning most flattering to the human character. If industry, frugality and disinterested integrity, were alike the virtues of all, there would apparently be more of the social spirit, in making all property a common stock, and giving to each individual a proportional title to the wealth of the whole. Such is the basis upon which Plato forbids in his republic the division of property. Such is the system upon which Rousseau pronounces the first man who enclosed a field with a fence and said this is mine, a traitor to the human species. A wiser and more useful philosophy however directs us to consider man, according to the nature in which he was formed; subject to infirmities, which no wisdom can remedy; to weaknesses which no institution can strengthen; to vices which no legistlation can correct. Hence it becomes obvious, that separate property is the natural and indisputable right of separate exertion--that community of goods without community of toil is oppressive and unjust; that it counteracts the laws of nature, which prescirbe, that he only who sows the seed shall reap the harvest: that it discourages all energy by destroying its rewards; and makes the most virtuous and active members of society, the slaves and drudges of the worst. Such was the issue of this experimeent among our forefathers, and the same event demonstrated the error of the system in the elder settlement of Virginia."
An Address delivered at the request of a committee of the citizens of Washington: on the occasion of reading the Declaration of Independence, on the Fourth of July, 1821. Washington, 1821. 30 pp. Also here.
"From the day of the Declaration, the people of the North American union, and of its constituent states, were associated bodies of civilized men and Christians, in a state of nature, but not of anarchy. They were bound by the laws of God, which they all, and by the laws of the Gospel, which they nearly all acknowledged as the rules of their conduct. They were bound by the principles which they themselves had proclaimed in the declaration. They were bound by all those tender and endearing sympathies, the absence of which, in the British government and nation, towards them, was the primary cause of the distressing conflict in which they had been precipitated by the headlong rashness and unfeeling insolence of their oppressors. They were bound by all the beneficent laws and institutions, which their forefathers had brought with them from their mother country, not as servitudes but as rights. They were bound by habits of hardy industry, by frugal and hospitable manners, by the general sentiments of social equality, by pure and virtuous morals; and lastly they were bound by the grappling-hooks of common suffering under the scourge of oppression."
"Inaugural Address" (March 4, 1825). In compliance with an usage coeval with the existence of our Federal Constitution, and sanctioned by the example of my predecessors in the career upon which I am about to enter, I appear, my fellow-citizens, in your presence and in that of Heaven to bind myself by the solemnities of religious obligation to the faithful performance of the duties allotted to me in the station to which I have been called.
Fellow-citizens, you are acquainted with the peculiar circumstances of the recent election, which have resulted in affording me the opportunity of addressing you at this time. You have heard the exposition of the principles which will direct me in the fulfillment of the high and solemn trust imposed upon me in this station. Less possessed of your confidence in advance than any of my predecessors, I am deeply conscious of the prospect that I shall stand more and oftener in need of your indulgence. Intentions upright and pure, a heart devoted to the welfare of our country, and the unceasing application of all the faculties allotted to me to her service are all the pledges that I can give for the faithful performance of the arduous duties I am to undertake. To the guidance of the legislative councils, to the assistance of the executive and subordinate departments, to the friendly cooperation of the respective State governments, to the candid and liberal support of the people so far as it may be deserved by honest industry and zeal, I shall look for whatever success may attend my public service; and knowing that "except the Lord keep the city the watchman waketh but in vain," with fervent supplications for His favor, to His overruling providence I commit with humble but fearless confidence my own fate and the future destinies of my country.
"First Annual Message to Congress" (December 6, 1825).
Fellow Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:
In taking a general survey of the concerns of our beloved country, with reference to subjects interesting to the common welfare, the first sentiment which impresses itself upon the mind is of gratitude to the Omnipotent Disposer of All Good for the continuance of the signal blessings of His providence, and especially for that health which to an unusual extent has prevailed within our borders, and for that abundance which in the vicissitudes of the seasons has been scattered with profusion over our land. Nor ought we less to ascribe to Him the glory that we are permitted to enjoy the bounties of His hand in peace and tranquillity -- in peace with all the other nations of the earth, in tranquillity among our selves. There has, indeed, rarely been a period in the history of civilized man in which the general condition of the Christian nations has been marked so extensively by peace and prosperity.
...The spirit of improvement is abroad upon the earth. It stimulates the hearts and sharpens the faculties not of our fellow citizens alone, but of the nations of Europe and of their rulers. While dwelling with pleasing satisfaction upon the superior excellence of our political institutions, let us not be unmindful that liberty is power; that the nation blessed with the largest portion of liberty must in proportion to its numbers be the most powerful nation upon earth, and that the tenure of power by man is, in the moral purposes of his Creator, upon condition that it shall be exercised to ends of beneficence, to improve the condition of himself and his fellow men.
While foreign nations less blessed with that freedom which is power than ourselves are advancing with gigantic strides in the career of public improvement, were we to slumber in indolence or fold up our arms and proclaim to the world that we are palsied by the will of our constituents, would it not be to cast away the bounties of Providence and doom ourselves to perpetual inferiority? In the course of the year now drawing to its close we have beheld, under the auspices and at the expense of one State of this Union, a new university unfolding its portals to the sons of science and holding up the torch of human improvement to eyes that seek the light. We have seen under the persevering and enlightened enterprise of another State the waters of our Western lakes mingle with those of the ocean. If undertakings like these have been accomplished in the compass of a few years by the authority of single members of our Confederation, can we, the representative authorities of the whole Union, fall behind our fellow servants in the exercise of the trust committed to us for the benefit of our common sovereign by the accomplishment of works important to the whole and to which neither the authority nor the resources of any one State can be adequate?
Finally, fellow citizens, I shall await with cheering hope and faithful cooperation the result of your deliberations, assured that, without encroaching upon the powers reserved to the authorities of the respective States or to the people, you will, with a due sense of your obligations to your country and of the high responsibilities weighing upon yourselves, give efficacy to the means committed to you for the common good. And may He who searches the hearts of the children of men prosper your exertions to secure the blessings of peace and promote the highest welfare of your country.
An Oration Addressed to the citizens of the town of Quincy, on the Fourth of July, 1831, the fifty-fifth anniversary of the Independence of the United States of America. Boston, 1831. 39 pp. Also here and here.
"The Declaration of Independence was a manifesto issued to the world, by the delegates of thirteen distinct, but united colonies of Great Britain, in the name and behalf of their people. It was a united declaration. Their union preceded their independence; nor was their independence, nor has it ever since, been separable from their union. Their language is, 'We the Representatives of the United States of America, in General Congress assembled, do, in the name and by the authority of the good PEOPLE of these Colonies, solemnly publish and declare that these United Colonies, are, and of right ought to be, free and independent States.' It was the act of one people. The Colonies are not named; their number is not designated; nor in the original Declaration, does it appear from which of the Colonies any one of the fifty-six Delegates by whom it was signed, had been deputed. They announced their constituents to the world as one people, and unitedly declared the Colonies to which they respectively belonged, united, free and independent states. The Declaration of Independence, therefore, was a proclamation to the world, not merely that the United Colonies had ceased to be dependencies of Great Britain, but that their people had bound themselves, before God, to a primitive social compact of union, freedom and independence.
... "In the history of the world, this was the first example of a self-constituted nation proclaiming to the rest of mankind the principles upon which it was associated, and deriving those principles from the laws of nature. It has sometimes been objected to the paper, that it deals too much in abstractions. But this was its characteristic excellence; for upon those abstractions hinged the justice of the cause. Without them, our revolution would have been but successful rebellion. Right, truth, justice, are all abstractions. The Divinity that stirs within the soul of man is abstraction. The Creator of the universe is a spirit, and all spiritual nature is abstraction. Happy would it be, could we answer with equal confidence another objection, not to the Declaration, but to the consistency of the people by whom it was proclaimed! Thrice happy, could the appeal to the Supreme Judge of the World for rectitude of intention, and with firm reliance on the protection of Divine Providence for support, have been accompanied with an appeal equally bold to our own social institutions to illustrate the self-evident truths which we declared!"
... "The Declaration of Independence was not a declaration of liberty newly acquired, nor was it a form of government. The people of the Colonies were already free, and their forms of government were various. They were all Colonies of a monarchy. The king of Great Britain was their common sove- reign. Their internal administrations presented great varieties of form. The proprietary governments were hereditary monarchies in miniature. New York and Virginia were feudal aristocracies. Massachusetts Bay was an approximation to the complex government of the parent state. Connecticut and Rhode Island were little remote from democracies. But as in the course of our recent war with Great Britain, her gallant naval warriors made the discovery that the frigates of the United States were line of battle ships in disguise, so the ministers of George III, when they brought their king and country into collision with these transatlantic dependencies, soon found to their astonishment, that the United American Colonies were republics in disguise. The spirit of the people, throughout the Union, was republican; and the absurdity of a foreign and a royal head to societies of men thus constituted, had remained unperceived, only because until then that head had been seldom brought into action.
"The Declaration of Independence announced the severance of the thirteen United Colonies from the rest of the British Empire, and the existence of their people from that day forth as an independent nation. The people of all the Colonies, speaking by their representatives, constituted themselves one moral person before the face of their fellow men.
"The Declaration of Independence was the crown with which the people of United America, rising in gigantic stature as one man, encircled their brows, and there it remains; there, so long as this globe shall be inhabited by human beings, may it remain, a crown of imperishable glory!
"The Declaration of Independence asserted the rights, and acknowledged the obligations of an independent nation. It recognised the laws of nations, as they were observed and practised among Christian communities."
An Oration delivered before the inhabitants of the town of Newburyport, at their request, on the sixty-first anniversary of the Declaration of Independence. Newburyport, Mass., 1837. 68 pp. Also hereand here. "Why is it that, next to the birthday of the Savior of the world, your most joyous and most venerated festival returns on this day [the Fourth of July]? Is it not that, in the chain of human events, the birthday of the nation is indissolubly linked with the birthday of the Savior? That it forms a leading event in the progress of the Gospel dispensation? Is it not that the Declaration of Independence first organized the social compact on the foundation of the Redeemer's mission upon earth? That it laid the cornerstone of human government upon the first precepts of Christianity??
The Jubilee of the Constitution: a discourse delivered at the request of the New York historical society. New York, 1839. 135 pp.
The motive for the Declaration of Independence was on its face avowed to be "a decent respect for the opinions of mankind." Its purpose to declare the causes which impelled the people of the English colonies on the continent of North America, to separate themselves from the political community of the British-nation. They declare only the causes of their separation, but they announce at the same time their assumption of the separate and equal station to which the laws of nature and of nature's God entitle them, among the powers of the earth.
Thus their first movement is to recognise and appeal to the laws of nature and to nature's God, for their right to assume the attributes of sovereign power as an independent nation.
The causes of their necessary separation, for they begin and end by declaring it necessary, alleged in the Declaration, are all founded on the same laws of nature and of nature's God -- and hence as preliminary to the enumeration of the causes of separation, they set forth as self-evident truths, the rights of individual man, by the laws of nature and of nature's God, to life, to liberty, to the pursuit of happiness. That all men are created equal. That to secure the rights of life, liberty and the pursuits of happiness, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed. All this, is by the laws of nature and of nature's God, and of course presupposes the existence of a God, the moral ruler of the universe, and a rule of right and wrong, of just and unjust, binding upon man, preceding all institutions of human society and of government. It avers, also, that governments are instituted to secure these rights of nature and of nature's God, and that whenever any form of government becomes destructive of those ends, it is the right of THE PEOPLE to alter, or to abolish it, and to institute a new government -- to throw off a government degenerating into despotism, and to provide new guards for their future security. They proceed then to say that such was then the situation of the Colonies, and such the necessity which constrained them to alter their former systems of government.
Then follows the enumeration of the acts of tyranny by which the king, parliament, and people of Great Britain, had perverted the powers to the destruction of the ends of government, over the Colonies, and the consequent necessity constraining the Colonies to the separation.
Tn conclusion, the Representatives of the United States of America, in general Congress assembled, appealing to the Supreme judge of the world for the rectitude of their intentions, do, in the name and by the authority of the good people of these Colonies, solemnly publish and declare that these United Colonies, are, and of right ought to be, free and independent States; that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British crown; and that all political connexion between them and the state of Great Britain, is, and ought to be totally dissolved; and that as free and independent States, they have full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, and to do all other acts and things which independent States may of right do. The appeal to the Supreme Judge of the world, and the rule of right and wrong as paramount events to the power of independent States, are here again repeated in the very act of constituting a new sovereign community."
... "Now the virtue which had been infused into the Constitution of the United States, and was to give to its vital existence the stability and duration to which it was destined, was no other than the concretion of those abstract principles which had been first proclaimed in the Declaration of Independence -- namely, the self-evident truths of the natural and unalienable rights of man, of the indefeasible constituent and dissolvent sovereignty of the people, always subordinate to a rule of right and wrong, and always responsible to the Supreme Ruler of the universe for the rightful exercise of that sovereign, constituent, and dissolvent power.
"This was the platform upon which the Constitution of the United States had been erected. Its VIRTUES, its republican character, consisted in its conformity to the principles proclaimed in the Declaration of Independence, and as its administration must necessarily be always pliable to the fluctuating varieties of public opinion; its stability and duration by a like overruling and irresistible necessity, was to depend upon the stability and duration in the hearts and minds of the people of that virtue, or in other words, of those principles, proclaimed in the Declaration of Independence, and embodied in the Constitution of the United States."
The Social Compact: exemplified in the Constitution of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts: with remarks on the theories of divine right of Hobbes and of Filmer, and the counter theories of Sidney, Locke, Montesquieu, and Rousseau, concerning the origin and nature of government. Providence, 1842. 31 pp.
"The principles of Sidney and of Locke, constitute the foundation of the North American Declaration of Independence, and together with the subsequent writings of Montesquieu and Rousseau, that
of the Constitution of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts,
and of the Constitution of the United States."
... "The philosophical examination of the foundations of civil society, of human governments, and of the rights and duties of men, is among the consequences of the Protestant Reformation. Under the hierarchy of the church of Rome, human government was of divine institution. The powers that be, were ordained of God; and the monarch, at the head of the nation, was the Lord's anointed. The principle of the Protestant Reformation was, to deny, not that human government was of divine institution, but that implicit belief and obedience was due to the commandments of men."
The New England confederacy of MDCXLIII: a discourse delivered before the society, on the twenty-ninth of May, 1843: in celebration of the Second Centennial Anniversary of that Event. Boston: Charles C. Little and James Brown, 1843. 48 pp.
"The primary cause then of the various settlements of
New England was religion. It was not the search for gold -- It was not the pursuit of wealth-- It was not the
spirit of adventure -- It was not the martial spirit of conquest,
which animated our English forefathers to plant
themselves here in a desert and barren wilderness, to lay
the foundations of the mightiest empire that the world
ever saw. It was religion. It was the Christian religion,
purified and refined from its corruptions, by the
fires of persecution. The first colonists were indeed of
that class of emigrants from their native land, driven
away by oppression; but in the settlements of Plymouth
and of Massachusetts, the stern and severe impulses of
religion were tempered by the tenderest and most attractive
sympathies of English patriotism. The Plymouth
colonists had been fugitives from the north of England,
who from time to time had escaped by crossing the North
Sea to Holland, in numbers sufficient to form an English
church at Leyden. They had fled from tbeir country
for the enjoyment of religious liberty in peace. But
with that religion wes inseparably connected the code of
Christian morals in its simplicity and in its purity -- a
code above all others resting upon the fundamental principle
of the natural equality of mankind."
Among the natural rights of the Colonists are these: First, a right to life; Secondly, to liberty; Thirdly, to property; together with the right to support and defend them in the best manner they can. These are evident branches of, rather than deductions from, the duty of self-preservation, commonly called the first law of nature.
All men have a right to remain in a state of nature as long as they please; and in case of intolerable oppression, civil or religious, to leave the society they belong to, and enter into another.
When men enter into society, it is by voluntary consent; and they have a right to demand and insist upon the performance of such conditions and previous limitations as form an equitable original compact.
Every natural right not expressly given up, or, from the nature of a social compact, necessarily ceded, remains.
All positive and civil laws should conform, as far as possible, to the law of natural reason and equity.
As neither reason requires nor religion permits the contrary, every man living in or out of a state of civil society has a right peaceably and quietly to worship God according to the dictates of his conscience.
"Just and true liberty, equal and impartial liberty," in matters spiritual and temporal, is a thing that all men are clearly entitled to by the eternal and immutable laws of God and nature, [Page 418] as well as by the law of nations and all well-grounded municipal laws, which must have their foundation in the former.
In regard to religion, mutual toleration in the different professions thereof is what all good and candid minds in all ages have ever practised, and, both by precept and example, inculcated on mankind. And it is now generally agreed among Christians that this spirit of toleration, in the fullest extent consistent with the being of civil society, is the chief characteristical mark of the Church. (* See Locke's Letters on Toleration.) Insomuch that Mr. Locke has asserted and proved, beyond the possibility of contradiction on any solid ground, that such toleration ought to be extended to all whose doctrines are not subversive of society. The only sects which he thinks ought to be, and which by all wise laws are excluded from such toleration, are those who teach doctrines subversive of the civil government under which they live. The Roman Catholics or Papists are excluded by reason of such doctrines as these, that princes excommunicated may be deposed, and those that they call heretics may be destroyed without mercy; besides their recognizing the Pope in so absolute a manner, in subversion of government, by introducing, as far as possible into the states under whose protection they enjoy life, liberty, and property, that solecism in politics, imperium in imperio, leading directly to the worst anarchy and confusion, civil discord, war, and bloodshed. (* Political disabilities were not removed from the Catholics in England until 1820--Editor)
The natural liberty of man, by entering into society, is abridged or restrained, so far only as is necessary for the great end of society, the best good of the whole.
In the state of nature every man is, under God, judge and sole judge of his own rights and of the injuries done him. By entering into society he agrees to an arbiter or indifferent judge between him and his neighbors; but he no more renounces his original right than by taking a cause out of the ordinary course of law, and leaving the decision to referees or indifferent arbitrators.
In the last case, he must pay the referees for time and trouble. He should also be willing to pay his just quota for the support of government, the law, and the constitution; the end of which is to furnish indifferent and impartial judges in all cases that may happen, whether civil, ecclesiastical, marine, or military.
[Page 419] The natural liberty of man is to be free from any superior power on earth, and not to be under the will or legislative authority of man, but only to have the law of nature for his rule. (* Locke on Government)
In the state of nature men may, as the patriarchs did, employ hired servants for the defence of their lives, liberties, and property; and they should pay them reasonable wages. Government was instituted for the purposes of common defence, and those who hold the reins of government have an equitable, natural right to an honorable support from the same principle that "the laborer is worthy of his hire." But then the same community which they serve ought to be the assessors of their pay. Governors have no right to seek and take what they please; by this, instead of being content with the station assigned them, that of honorable servants of the society, they would soon become absolute masters, despots, and tyrants. Hence, as a private man has a right to say what wages he will give in his private affairs, so has a community to determine what they will give and grant of their substance for the administration of public affairs. And, in both cases, more are ready to offer their service at the proposed and stipulated price than are able and willing to perform their duty.
In short, it is the greatest absurdity to suppose it in the power of one, or any number of men, at the entering into society, to renounce their essential natural rights, or the means of preserving those rights; when the grand end of civil government, from the very nature of its institution, is for the support, protection, and defence of those very rights; the principal of which, as is before observed, are Life, Liberty, and Property. If men, through fear, fraud, or mistake, should in terms renounce or give up any essential natural right, the eternal law of reason and the grand end of society would absolutely vacate such renunciation. The right to freedom being the gift of God Almighty, it is not in the power of man to alienate this gift and voluntarily become a slave.
II. The Rights of the Colonists as Christians.
These may be best understood by reading and carefully studying the institutes of the great Law Giver and Head of the Christian Church, which are to be found clearly written and promulgated in the New Testament.
[Page 420] By the act of the British Parliament, commonly called the Toleration Act, every subject in England, except Papists, &c., was restored to, and re-established in, his natural right to worship God according to the dictates of his own conscience. And, by the charter of this Province, it is granted, ordained, and established (that is, declared as an original right) that there shall be liberty of conscience allowed in the worship of God to all Christians, except Papists, inhabiting, or which shall inhabit or be resident within, such Province or Territory. (* See 1 Wm. and Mary, St. 2, C. 18, and Massachusetts Charter.) Magna Charta itself is in substance but a constrained declaration or proclamation and promulgation in the name of the King, Lords, and Commons, of the sense the latter had of their original, inherent, indefeasible natural rights, (*Lord Coke's Inst. Blackstone's Commentaries VI., p. 122. The Bill of Rights and the Act of Settlement) as also those of free citizens equally perdurable with the other. That great author, that great jurist, and even that court writer, Mr. Justice Blackstone, holds that this recognition was justly obtained of King John, sword in hand. And peradventure it must be one day, sword in hand, again rescued and preserved from total destruction and oblivion. ...
William Vincent Wells, 1826-1876. The Life and Public Services of Samuel Adams: being a narrative of his acts and opinions, and of his agency in producing and forwarding the American Revolution. With extracts from his correspondence, state papers, and political essays. Little, Brown, and Company, 1865. Volume 1 of 3. Volume 2 of 3. Volume 3 of 3. Applewood Books, 2009 edition. 548 pp. Text searchable.
Here is embodied the whole philosophy of human rights, condensed from the doctrines of all time, and applied to the immediate circumstances of America. Upon this paper was based all that was written or spoken on human liberty in the Congress which declared independence; and the immortal instrument itself is, in many features, but a repetition of the principles here enunciated, and of Joseph Warren's list of grievances, which followed the Rights of the Colonists in the report. If we look back to the first efforts of Samuel Adams, when, as a young essayist in the obscure little weekly paper of his native town, twenty-five years before, he boldly advocated the liberties of the people against oppressive rulers, we shall find that his ideas on these subjects were as firmly fixed as now, when he gave them not to a circle of provincial readers alone, but to the world. The sentiments are the same, and the man who adopted them must have been by nature an assertor of popular rights. There can be no better proof of the admirable consistency of his character than a patient examination of his works throughout his long life. At the age of fifty he found no reason to retract a word, or retrace a step; and the principles with which he had commenced life accompanied him to the close. When another century had dawned upon him, and he was fast sinking into the grave, his sincere admirer, Thomas Jefferson, then just elected President of the United States, wrote to his "ever respected and venerable friend": "Your principles have been tested in the crucible of time, and have come out pure. You have proved that it was monarchy, and not merely British monarchy, you opposed. A government by representatives, elected by the people at short periods, was our object, and our maxim at that day was,' Where annual election ends, tyranny begins.' " (* Thomas Jefferson to Samuel Adorns, Feb. 26, 1801.)
Harry Alonzo Cushing, editor. The Writings of Samuel Adams. New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons, 1907), Volume III, p. 236-237, to James Warren on November 4, 1775. "Nothing is more essential to the establishment of manners in a State than that all persons employed in places of power and trust be men of unexceptionable characters. The public cannot be too curious concerning the character of public men."
Samuel Adams to Elizabeth Adams on December 26, 1776. From Letters of Delegates to Congress: August 16, 1776-December 31, 1776. "I pray God to continue your Health and protect you in these perilous times from every kind of Evil. The Name of the Lord, says the Scripture, is a strong Tower, thither the Righteous flee and are safe [Proverbs 18:10]. Let us secure his Favor, and he will lead us through the Journey of this Life and at length receive us to a better."
Samuel Adams to Elizabeth Adams, Jany 29th. 1777. Letters of Delegates to Congress: Volume 6 January 1, 1777 - April 30, 1777. "I thank you, my dear, most cordially for the Warmth of Affection which you express on this Occasion, for your Anxiety for my Safety and your Prayers to God for my Protection. The Man who is conscientiously doing his Duty will ever be protected by that Righteous and all powerful Being, and when he has finishd his Work he will receive an ample Reward. I am not more convincd of any thing than that it is my Duty to oppose to the utmost of my Ability the Designs of those who would enslave my Country; and with Gods Assistance I am resolvd to oppose them till their Designs are defeated or I am called to quit the Stage of Life."
"I heartily congratulate you on the entire Victory obtained by General Gates over Burgoin. This is a Striking Instance of the Truth of the Observation in Holy Writ "Pride goeth before a Fall." Our sincere Acknowledgments of Gratitude are due to the supreme Disposer of all Events. I suppose Congress will recommend that a Day be set apart through out the United States for solemn Thanksgiving.
"I rejoyce that my Friend General Gates, after what had happend, is honord by Providence as the Instrument in this great Affair."
Samuel Adams to James Warren:
"I hope our Countrymen will render the just Tribute of Praise to the Supreme Ruler for these signal Instances of his Interposition in favor of a People struggling for their Liberties. Congress will, I suppose recommend the setting apart one Day of publick Thanksgiving to be observd throughout the united States."
"I believe my Country will fix their Eyes and their Choice on a Man of Religion and Piety; who will understand human Nature and the Nature and End of political Society-who will not by Corruption or Flattery be seducd to the betraying, even without being sensible of it himself, the sacred Rights of his Country.
"The Success of the present Campain hitherto has been great beyond our most sanguine Expectation. Let us ascribe Glory to God who has graciously vouchsafd to favor the Cause of America and of Mankind."
Harry Alonzo Cushing, editor. The Writings of Samuel Adams. New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons, 1907), Volume IV, p. 256, in the Boston Gazette on April 16, 1781. "Before this will reach you, your Countrymen will have finished the important business of electing their Legislators, Magistrates and Governors for the ensuing year. I hope they have made a wise choice. At least, from the opinion I entertain of their virtue, I am persuaded they have acted with all that deliberation and caution which the solemnity of the transaction required. They may then reflect, each one on his own integrity, and appeal to the Monitor within his breast, that he has not trifled with the sacred trust reposed in him by GOD and his country 'that he has not prostituted his honor and conscience to please a friend or a patron' that he has not been influenced with the view of private emolument to himself and his family, but has faithfully given his vote for the candidate whom he thought most worthy the choice of free and virtuous citizens."
Harry Alonzo Cushing, editor. The Writings of Samuel Adams. New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1908), Vol. IV, p. 361,Proclamation for a Day of Fasting and Prayer, February 19, 1794.
... "we may with one heart and voice humbly implore His gracious and free pardon through Jesus Christ, supplicating His Divine aid ... [and] above all to cause the religion of Jesus Christ, in its true spirit, to spread far and wide till the whole earth shall be filled with His glory."
Proclamation for a Day of Fasting and Prayer, March 15, 1796.
... "And I do exhort the People of all Religious Denominations, to assemble in their respective Congregations on that Day, and with true contrition of Heart, to confess their Sins to God, and implore forgiveness through the merits and mediation of Jesus Christ our Saviour ..."
William V. Wells, editor. The Life and Public Services of Samuel Adams, being a narrative of his acts and opinions, and of his agency in producing and forwarding the American Revolution. With extracts from his correspondence, state papers, and political essays. Boston: Little, Brown & Co, 1865.
Samuel Adams. From A Biography of the signers of the Declaration of independence:
and of Washington and Patrick Henry. With an appendix, containing the Constitution of the United States and other documents, Volume 2 of 2. J. Dobson, and Thomas, Cowperthwait & co., 1839.
The Belfast News-letter
(July 18, 1769 - September 1, 1962)
Published in Belfast, Northern Ireland: James Henderson.
WORKS
Emerson. Belfast Reform Dinner. The Belfast News-Letter (Belfast, Ireland), Tuesday, January 4, 1831; Issue 9762, p. 1. Speech prefaced with praise for George Washington and his accomplishments.
... It is folly, for instance, to suppose that the American revolution was the result of a stamp act, or a paltry duty upon teas; could causes so trifling and so local as these unite, in one short month, a whole Continent in arms? The idea is absurd--the American revolution was the result of a century of progressive intelligence--of long years of impatient suffering, and feverish remonstrance. So early as 1688, the inhabitants of New York agitated the important question--whether the right of representation existed in the people, or was a privilege to be conferred by the Crown; and whether the Colonies ought not to have a share in the framing of those laws by which they were to be governed, and in the imposition of those taxes which they were to pay. For a century from this period the Colonies availed themselves of every opportunity to urge the frequency of elections for their local assemblies, and to demand that a fixed revenue should be imposed on every State, according to its ability, instead of an arbitrary and variable taxation. They were these remonstrances that in 1743 obtained the American Septennial Act, which was then considered a favour and a concession, but whose repeal was one of the preliminaries of peace proposed by the revolted Colonies of 1775. On all other constitutional points the progress of opinion in America was equally steady and determined; the right of England to tax the Colonies, the enforcement of which finally led to their disruption from the mother country, was denied by the Assembly of Plymouth County, in 1636; this denial was repeated by Maryland in 1650--by Rhode Island in 1663--by Massachussets in 1692; and remonstrancess of a similar nature continued to be reiterated down to the bursting of the fatal insurrection. That revolution was, in fact, no hasty event--no immatured, uncalculated project of impassioned agitators--it was the cool, deliberate act of convinced, enlightened, and determined men--and this its glorious and triumphant issue has sufficiently attested.--(loud cheers)
Blackstone, Sir William
(1723-1780)
English Jurist. Knighted in 1770. Read more about Blackstone here and here and here.
"Divine Providence, which, in compassion to the frailty, the imperfection, and the blindness of human reason, hath been pleased, in sundry times and diverse manners, to discover and enforce its laws by an immediate and direct revelation. The doctrines thus delivered we call the revealed or divine law, and they are to be found only in the Holy Scriptures"
Commentaries on the laws of England: in four books. From the last London edition, with the last corrections of the author. / by Edward Christian. Volume 1 of 4. New-York, 1822. Extract: The Rights of Persons: Of the Clergy.
Edward S. Corwin, "The Higher Law Background of American Constitution Law," Harvard Law Review, v. 42, 1928: The phrase "pursuit of happiness" was probably suggested by Blackstone's statement that the law of nature boils down to "one paternal precept, that man should pursue his own true and substantial happiness."
Rule of Law in Colonial Massachusetts. University of Pennsylvania Law Review, Vol. 108, Issue 7 (May 1960), pp. 1001-1036.
Commentaries on the laws of England: in four books. From the last London edition., with the last corrections of the author. / by Edward Christian. Volume 4 of 4. New-York, 1822. Extracts: Contents, "Of Offenses Against God and Religion".
Commentaries on the laws of England: in four books. From the last London edition, with the last corrections of the author. / by Edward Christian. Volume 4 of 4. New-York, 1822. Extracts: Contents, "Of the Benefit of Clergy".
Christian, Edward. Preface and "Life of the Author," from Blackstone, William, Commentaries on the laws of England: in four books: with an analysis of the work.. From the 19th London edition. / with a life of the author and notes by Edward Christian, plus Chitty, Lee, Hovenden, and Ryland, and also references to American cases by a member of the New-York Bar."/ Includes bibliographical references and index. New York: W.E. Dean, 1853. Vol. 1 of 2. Analysis of Blackstone's work here.
"The Commentaries of Blackstone continue to be the text book of the student and of the man of genereal reading, notwithstanding the alterations in the law since the time of their author. The great principles which they unfold remain the same, and are explained in so simple and clear a style, that, however much the details of the law may be changed, they will always be read with interest. It is no small commendation of Blackstone, that many of the modern improvements adopted in England and in the United States were suggested by him: and that the arrangement which he used in treating the different subjects, has been followed in a great degree by the Revisers of the Statutes of New-York.
William Carey Jones, editor. Commentaries on the Laws of England. San Francisco, Bancroft-Whitney, 1915-1916. Volume 1 of 2. 1598 pp. Volume 2 of 2. 1354 pp.
Samuel F. Mordecai. Law lectures; a treatise, from a North Carolina standpoint, on those portions of the first and second books of the Commentaries of Sir William Blackstone which have not become obsolete in the United States. Volume 1 of 2. 774 pp. Volume 2 of 2. 760 pp.
The Palladium of Conscience; or, The Foundation of religious liberty displayed, asserted, and established, agreeable to its true and genuine principles, above the reach of all petty tyrants, who atempt to lord it over the human mind. Containing Furneaux's Letters to Blackstone. Priestley's Remarks on Blackstone. Blackstone's Reply to Priestley. And Blackstone's Case of the Middlesex-elections; with some other tracts, worthy of high rank in every gentleman's literary repository, being a necessary companion for every lover of religious liberty. And an interesting appendix to Blackstone's Commentaries on the laws of England. 1773. pp. [6], iv, [1], 6-119, [1], xii, 155, [1] p. 23 cm. (8vo and 4to)
Cleaveland, John
(1722-1799)
American clergyman and author.
WORKS
An Essay, to defend some of the most important principles in the Protestant Reformed system of Christianity, on which the churches of Christ in New-England, were originally founded: more especially; the doctrine of Christ's sacrifice and atonement, as being absolutely necessary to the pardon of sins, consistently with God's infinite and unchangeable rectitude; against the injurious aspersions cast on the same, by Jonathan Mayhew, D.D. in his late thanksgiving sermons on Psal. cxlv. 9. In which some of the doctor's mistakes, inaccuracies and inconsistencies, are pointed out. / By John Cleaveland, V.D.M. Pastor of a church in Ipswich.; [Sixteen lines of Scripture quotations]
Boston: Printed and sold by D. and J. Kneeland, opposite to the prison in Queen-Street, 1763. 108 pp.; 20 cm. (4to)
A Reply to Dr. Mayhew's Letter of reproof to Mr. John Cleaveland of Ispwich: containing some observations on said Letter, and a particular consideration of the proof or evidence exhibited by the doctor, for the support of his high charges. / By John Cleaveland, A.M. Pastor of a Church of Christ in Ipswich; [Eight lines in Latin from Menochio]
Boston, N.E.: Printed by W. M?Alpine & J. Fleming, in Marlborough Street, M,DCC,LXV. [1765]
[2], 96 p. ; 22 cm. (8vo)
Coolidge, Calvin
(1872-1933)
30th President of the United States. Read more about Coolidge here and here.
WORKS
Inaugural Address of President Coolidge March 4, 1925. "America seeks no earthly empire built on blood and force. No ambition, no temptation, lures her to thought of foreign dominions. The legions which she sends forth are armed, not with the sword, but with the cross. The higher state to which she seeks the allegiance of all mankind is not of human, but of divine origin. She cherishes no purpose save to merit the favor of Almighty God."
Presidential speech in Philadelphia commemorating the 150th Anniversary of the Declaration of Independence, July 5, 1926. Also here (scroll half-way down the page). Also published in San Antonio Express, July 6, 1926 and Indiana Evening Gazette, July 8, 1926.
"We meet to celebrate the birthday of America. The coming of a new life always excites our interest. Although we know in the case of the individual that it has been an infinite repetition reaching back beyond our vision, that only makes it the more wonderful. But how our interest and wonder increase when we behold the miracle of the birth of a new nation. It is to pay our tribute of reverence and respect to those who participated in such a mighty event that we annually observe the fourth day of July. Whatever may have been the impression created by the news which went out from this city on that summer day in 1776, there can be no doubt as to the estimate which is now placed upon it. At the end of 150 years the four corners of the earth unite in coming to Philadelphia as to a holy shrine in grateful acknowledgement of a service so great, which a few inspired men here rendered to humanity, that it is still the preeminent support of free government throughout the world.
... "About the Declaration there is a finality that is exceedingly restful. It is often asserted that the world has made a great deal of progress since 1776, that we have had new thoughts and new experiences which have given us a great advance over the people of that day, and that we may therefore very well discard their conclusions for something more modern. But that reasoning can not be applied to this great charter. If all men are created equal, that is final. If they are endowed with inalienable rights, that is final. If governments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed, that is final. No advance, no progress can be made beyond these propositions. If anyone wishes to deny their truth or their soundness, the only direction in which he can proceed historically is not forward, but backward toward the time when there was no equality, no rights of the individual, no rule of the people. Those who wish to proceed in that direction can not lay claim to progress. They are reactionary. Their ideas are not more modern, but more ancient, than those of the Revolutionary fathers.
"In the development of its institutions America can fairly claim that it has remained true to the principles which were declared 150 years ago. In all the essentials we have achieved an equality which was never possessed by any other people. Even in the less important matter of material possessions we have secured a wider and wider distribution of wealth. The rights of the individual are held sacred and protected by constitutional guaranties, which even the Government itself is bound not to violate. If there is any one thing among us that is established beyond question, it is self-government--the right of the people to rule. If there is any failure in respect to any of these principles, it is because there is a failure on the part of individuals to observe them. We hold that the duly authorized expression of the will of the people has a divine sanction. But even in that we come back to the theory of John Wise that 'Democracy is Christ's government.' The ultimate sanction of law rests on the righteous authority of the Almighty."
Address at the Unveiling of the Equestrian Statue of Bishop Francis Asbury, Washington, DC, October 15th, 1924. "Our government rests upon religion. It is from that source that we derive our reverence for truth and justice, for equality and liberty, and for the rights of mankind. Unless the people believe in these principles they cannot believe in our government. There are only two main theories of government in the world. One rests on righteousness, the other rests on force. One appeals to reason, the other appeals to the sword. One is exemplified in a republic, the other is represented by a despotism. The history of government on this earth has been almost entirely a history of the rule of force held in the hands of a few. Under our constitution, America committed itself to the practical application of the rule of reason, with the power held in the hands of the people."
Pastor of Brattle Street Church in Boston. Read about Cooper here
WORKS
A sermon preached to the Ancient and Honourable Artillery Company: in Boston, New-England, June 3. 1751. Being the anniversary of their election of officers. / By Samuel Cooper, A.M. Pastor of a church in Boston. Boston: Printed by J. Draper, for J. Edwards in Cornhill, and D. Gookin in Marlborough-Street, M,DCC,LI. [1751] 40 pp.; 21 cm. (8vo)
The Crisis: [One line of Latin quotation] [Boston ? : s.n.], Printed in June 1754. 15, [1] pp.; 19 cm. (8vo)
The Crisis: Or, a full defence of the colonies. In which it is incontestibly proved that the British constitution has been flagrantly violated in the late Stamp Act, and rendered indisputably evident, that the mother country cannot lay any arbitrary tax upon the Americans, without destroying the essence of her own liberties.
London: printed for W. Griffin, 1766. [2], 30 pp.; 8^(0)
William Allen. Biographies of William Cooper and His Son Samuel Cooper (includes William Cooper's Preface to Jonathan Edwards' Work The Distinguishing Marks of a Work of the Spirit of God which describes the Great Awakening). From American Biographical and Historical Dictionary [...] and a Summary of the History of the Several Colonies and the United States (William Hilliard, 1809), pp. 223-226 (slightly edited and abridged).
Dickinson, John
(1737-1805)
American lawyer and politician from Philadelphia, Pennsylvania and Wilmington, Delaware. Read about Dickinson here.
Mr. Dickenson, author of the much admired Farmer's Letters, the first copy of which he inclosed to his friend, Mr. Otis, and observed to him, that "the examples of public spirit in the cold regions of the north, had roused the languid latitudes of the south, to a proper vindication of their rights." See Appendix, Note, No. V. [John Dickinson, Letters from a Farmer in Pennsylvania, to the Inhabitants of the British Colonies (Philadelphia, 1768). The Letters are available in Paul Leicester Ford, ed., The Political Writings of John Dickinson (Philadelphia, 1895).]
The third edition. 1743. 77, [3] p. 18 cm. (12mo)
"Honored Sir,
Since you are pleased to enquire what are my thoughts about the mutual toleration of Christians in their different professions of religion, I must needs answer you freely, that I esteem that toleration, or liberty to think and act for themselves in matters of religion, to be the chief characteristical mark of the true church. For whatsoever some people boast of the antiquity of places and names, or of the pomp of their outward worship; others, of the reformation of their discipline; all, of the orthodoxy of their faith: these things, and all others of this nature, are much rather marks of men striving for power and empire over one another, than of the Church of Christ. Let any one have never to true a claim to all these things, yet if he be destitute of charity, meekness, and goodwill in general towards all mankind, even to those that are not Christians, he is certainly yet short of being a true Christian himself. Luke 22:25."
A Collection of several pieces of Mr. John Locke, Never before printed, or not extant in his Works. Publish'd by the author of the life of the ever-memorable Mr. John Hales, &c. London, M.DCC.XX. [1720]. 438 pp.
Thomas Cooke, editor. The Works of John Locke. Ninth edition. London, Printed for T. Longman, B. Law and Son, J. Johnson, C. Dilly, G.G. and J. Robinson, T. Cadell, J. Sewell, W. Otridge, W. Richardson, F. and C. Rivington, W. Goldsmith, T. Payne, Leigh and Sotheby, S. Hayes, R. Faulder, B. and J. White, W. Lowndes, G. and T. Wilkie, and J. Walker, 1794. 9 volumes, front. (port.) 23 cm. Volume 1 of 9. 590 pp. Volume 1. Preface to the works. Life of the author. An analysis of Mr. Locke's doctrine of ideas. An essay concerning human understanding, to the end of Book III, Chap. VI.
Thomas Cooke, editor. The Works of John Locke. Ninth edition. Volume 2 of 9. 492 pp. Volume 2. An essay concerning human understanding concluded. Defence of Mr. Locke's opinion concerning personal identity. Of the conduct of the understanding. Some thoughts concerning reading and study for a gentleman. Elements of natural philosophy. A new method of a common-place-book.
Thomas Cooke, editor. The Works of John Locke. Ninth edition. Volume 3 of 9. 498 pp. Volume 3. A letter to the Right Rev. Edward Lord Bishop of Worcester, concerning Mr. Locke's Essay of human understanding. Mr. Locke's reply. An answer to Remarks upon an Essay concerning human understanding. Mr. Locke's reply to the Bishop of Worcester's answer to his second Letter.
Thomas Cooke, editor. The Works of John Locke. Ninth edition. Volume 4 of 9. 495 pp. Volume 4. Some considerations of the consequences of lowering the interest, and raising the value of money. Short observations on a printed paper, entitled, 'for encouraging the coining silver money in England, and after, for keeping it here'. Further considerations concerning raising the value of money. Two treatises of government.
Thomas Cooke, editor. The Works of John Locke. Ninth edition. Volume 5 of 9. 585 pp. Volume 5. A letter concerning toleration, being a translation of the Epistola de tolerantia. A second letter concerning toleration. A third letter for toleration. A fourth letter for toleration.
Thomas Cooke, editor. The Works of John Locke. Ninth edition. Volume 6 of 9. 429 pp. Volume 6. The Reasonableness of Christianity. A vindication of the Reasonableness of Christianity, from Mr. Edward's Reflectons. A second vindication.
Thomas Cooke, editor. The Works of John Locke. Ninth edition. Volume 7 of 9. 447 pp. Volume 7. A paraphrase and notes on the Epistles of St. Paul to the Galatians, I and II Corinthians, Romans, and Ephesians; to which is prefixed an Essay for the understanding of St. Paul's Epistles, by consulting St. Paul himself.
Thomas Cooke, editor. The Works of John Locke. Ninth edition. Volume 8 of 9. 479 pp. Volume 8. Some thoughts concerning education. An examination of P. Malebranche's opinion of seeing all things in God. A discourse of miracles. Memoirs relating to the life of Anthony, first Earl of Shaftsbury. Some familiar letters between Mr. Locke, and several of his friends.
Thomas Cooke, editor. The Works of John Locke. Ninth edition. Volume 9 of 9. 577 pp. Volume 9. Continuation of familiar letters between Mr. Locke, and several of his friends. [Miscellaneous letters and pieces]
Works. Text-searchable, from The Online Library of Liberty.
The Reasonableness of Christianity, as deliver'd in the scriptures. To which is added, a first and second vindication of the same; from some Exceptions and Reflections in a Treatise by the Rev. Mr. Edwards, Intitled, Some Thoughts Concerning the Several Causes and Occasions of Atheism, especially in the present Age. The sixth edition. London: Printed for A. Bettesworth and C. Hitch, in Petermoster-Row; J. Pemberton, against St. Dunstan's Church in Fleet-street; and E. Symon, in Cornhill, 1736. 296 pp. Extracts here.
242. Though yet, if any one should think, that out of the saying of the wise heathens, before Our Saviour's time, there might be a collection made of all these rules of morality, which are to be found in the Christian religion; yet this would not at all hinder, but that the world, nevertheless, stood as much in need of Our Savior, and the morality delivered by him. Let it be granted (though not true) that all the moral precepts of the gospel were known by some body or other, amongst mankind, before. But where, or how, or of what use, is not considered.
... But such a body of Ethics, proved to be the law of nature, from principles of reason, and reaching all the duties of life, I think nobody will say the world had before Our Saviour's time. 'Tis not enough, that there were up and down scattered sayings of wise men, conformable to right reason. The law of nature, was the law of convenience too; and 'tis no wonder that those men of parts, and studious virtue (who had occasion to think on any particular part of it), should by meditation light on the right, even from the observable convenience and beauty of it, without making out its obligation from the true principles of the law of nature, and foundations of morality. But these incoherent apophthegms of philosophers, and wise men, however excellent in themselves, and well intended by them, could never make a morality, whereof the world could be convinced; could never rise to the force of a law that mankind could with certainty depend on. Whatsoever should thus be universally useful, as a standard to which men should conform their manners, must have its authority either from reason or revelation. 'Tis not every writer of morals, or compiler of it from others, that can thereby be erected into a law-giver to mankind; and a dictator of rules, which are therefore valid, because they are to be found in his books, under the authority of this or that philosopher. He that any one will pretend to set up in this kind, and have his rules pass for authentic directions, must shew, that either he builds his doctrine upon principles of reason, self-evident in themselves, and that he deduces all the parts of it from thence, by clear and evident demonstration; or, must shew his commission from heaven, that he comes with authority from God, to deliver his will and commands to the world. In the former way, nobody that I know, before Our Saviour's time, ever did, or went about to give us a morality. Tis true, there is a law of nature: but who is there that ever did, or undertook to give it us all entire, as a law; no more nor no less, than what was contained in, and had the obligation of that law? Who, ever made out all the parts of it, put them together, and shewed the world their obligation? Where was there any such code, that mankind might have recourse to, as their unerring rule, before Our Saviour's time? If there was not, 'tis plain, there was need of one to give us such a morality; such a law, which might be the sure guide of those who had a desire to go right: and, if they had a mind, need not mistake their duty; but might be certain when they had performed, when failed in it. Such a law of morality, Jesus Christ hath given us in the New Testament; but by the latter of these ways, by revelation. We have from him a full and sufficient rule for our direction, and conformable to that of reason. But the truth and obligation of its precepts, have their force, and are put past doubt to us, by the evidence of his mission. He was sent by God: His miracles shew it; and the authority of God in his precepts cannot be questioned. Here morality has a sure standard, that revelation vouches, and reason cannot gainsay, nor question; but both together witness to come from God the great law-maker. And such an one as this out of the New Testament, I think the world never had, nor can any one say is any where else to be found. Let me ask any one, who is forward to think that the doctrine of morality was full and clear in the world, at Our Saviour's birth; whether would he have directed Brutus and Cassius (both men of parts and virtue, the one whereof believed, and the other disbelieved a future being), to be satisfied in the rules and obligations of all the parts of their duties; if they should have asked him where they might find the law, they were to live by, and by which they should be charged or acquitted, as guilty or innocent? If to the sayings of the wise, and the declarations of philosophers, he sends them into a wild wood of uncertainty, to an endless maze, from which they should never get out: if to the religions of the world, yet worse: and if to their own reason, he refers them to that which had some light and certainty; but yet had hitherto failed all mankind in a perfect rule; and we see, resolved not the doubts that had risen amongst the studious and thinking philosophers; nor had yet been able to convince the civilized parts of the world, that they had not given, nor could, without a crime, take away, the lives of their children, by exposing them....
Editor, Works of John Locke, Ninth edition, 1793: "From one who knew so well how to direct the researches of the human mind, it was natural to expect that Christianity and the Scriptures would not be neglected, but rather hold the chief place in his inquiries. These were accordingly the object of his more mature meditations; which were no less successfully employed upon them, as may be seen in part above. His Reasonableness of Christianity, as delivered in the Scriptures, is a work that will richly repay the labour of being thoroughly studied, together with both its Vindications, by all those who desire to entertain proper notions concerning the pure, primitive plan of Christ's religion, as laid down by himself: where they will also meet with many just observations on our Saviour's admirable method of conducting it. Of this book, among other commendations, Limborch says, 'Plus verae 'Theologiae ex ill quam ex operotis multorum Systematibus haufiffe me ingenue fateor.' Lee. March 23, 1697."
A Second Vindication of the reasonableness of Christianity, as deliver'd in the scriptures. By John Locke, Esq. The fifth edition. London: Printed for A. Bettesworth and C. Hitch, in Pater-noster Row; J. Pemberton, against St. Dunstand's Church in Fleet-street; and E. Symon, in Cornhill, 1736. 407 pp. Also issued as part of The Reasonableness of Christianity, sixth edition, 1748.
Paraphrase and Notes upon the Epistles of St. Paul to the Galatians, I & II Corinthians, Romans, and Ephesians. To which is prefix'd, an essay for the understanding of St. Paul's Epistles, by consulting St. Paul Himself. By John Locke, Esq. The Fourth edition. London: Printed for A. Ward, S. Birt, T. Osborn, C. Hitch, J. Oswald, A. Millar, J. Hodges, J. Pemberton, F. Gosling, and T. Cooper. 1742. 423 pp.
Editor, Works of John Locke, Ninth edition, 1793: "In his Paraphrase and Notes upon the epistles of St. Paul, how fully does our author obviate the erroneous doctrines (that of absolute reprobation in particular), which had been falsely charged upon the apostle! And to Mr. Locke's honour it should be remembered, that he was the first of our commentators who showed what it was to comment upon the apostolic writings; by taking the whole of an epistle together, and striking off every signification of every term foreign to the main scope of it; by keeping this point constantly in view, and carefully observing each return to it after any digression; by tracing out a strict though sometimes less visible, connexion in that very consistent writer, St. Paul; touching the propriety and pertinence of whose writings to their several subjects and occasions, he appears to have formed the most just conception, and thereby confessedly led the way to some of our best modern interpreters. Vide Pierce, pref. to Coloff. And Taylor on Rom. No. 60."
History of Our Saviour, Jesus Christ; containing, in order of time, all the events and discourses recorded in the four evangelists, &c. With some short notes for the help of ordinary readers. London: Printed for W. Mears and F. Clay without Temple-Bar, and J. Hooke and T. Woodward in Fleetstreet, 1721. 325 pp.
[Epistola de Tolerantia. English.] A Letter concerning toleration. By John Locke, Esq. A new edition. London: Printed by J. Crowder, Warwick-Square, for J. Johnson, in St. Paul's Church-yard, 1800. 142 pp. British Library.
Some thoughts concerning education. By John Locke, Esq. The fourteenth edition. London: Printed for J. Whiston, W. Strahan, J. and F. Rivington, B. White, L. Davis, Hawes, Clarke and Collins, W. Johnston, W. Owen, T. Caslon, S. Crowder, T. Longman, B. Law, C. Rivington, E. Dilly, J. Wilkie, T. Cadell, S. Baker, T. Payne, T. Davies, G. Robinson, T. Becket, and J. Robson, 1772. 336 pp. Contents, Dedication, and instruction on educating children to read the Bible, pp. 231-233.
Extracts. Contents, Dedication by John Wynne, Introduction by Locke, Chapter X: Of our Knowledge of the Existence of a God; Chapter XVIII: Of Faith and Reason, and their distrinct Provinces; Chapter XIX: Of Enthusiasm.
Volume 2. Cummings & Hilliard and J. T. Buckingham, 1813. Extract: "The study of morality, I have above mentioned as that that becomes a gentleman; not barely as a man, but in order to his business as a gentleman. Of this there are books enough writ both by ancient and modern philosophers; but the morality of the gospel doth so exceed them all, that, to give a man a full knowledge of true morality, I shall send him to no other book, but the New Testament."
"Thus the law of nature stands as an eternal rule to all men, legislators as well as others. The rules that they make for other men's actions, must, as well as their own and other men's actions, be conformable to the law of nature, i.e. to the will of God, of which that is a declaration, and the fundamental law of nature being the preservation of mankind, no human sanction can be good, or valid against it."
Book II, p. 285, Chapter XI, §135.
"Human laws are measures in respect of men whose actions they must direct, howbeit such measures they are as have also their higher rules to be measured by, which rules are two, the law of God, and the law of nature; so that laws human must be made according to the general laws of nature, and without contradiction to any positive law of scripture, otherwise they are ill made."
Book II, p. 285, Chapter XI, §135. Citing Richard Hooker, from Eccl. Pol. 1. iii, sect. 9 (1888 edition):
"The same Thomas, therefore, whose definition of human laws we mentioned before, doth add thereunto this caution concerning the rule and canon whereby to make them: 'Human laws are measures in respect of men whose actions they must direct, howbeit such measures they are, as have also their higher rules to be measured by, which rules are two, the law of God and the law of Nature. So that laws human must be made according to the general laws of Nature, and without contradiction unto any positive law in Scripture, otherwise they are ill made.'
James Peirce. A Paraphrase and notes on the Epistles of St. Paul to the Colossians, Philippians, and Hebrews: after the manner of Mr. Locke. To which are annexed several critical dissertations on particular texts of scripture. The second edition. By James Peirce, With a paraphrase and notes on the three last chapters of the Hebrews left unfinish'd by Mr. Peirce; and an essay to discover the Author of the Epistle and Language in which it was originally written, by Joseph Hallett, jun. London, 1733 [1737]. 604 pp. Contents: A paraphrase and notes on the Epistle of St. Paul to the Colossians, with an appendice upon Ephes. IV. 8. / [J. Peirce] London: J. Noon, 1725 -- A paraphrase and notes on the Epistle of St. Paul to the Philippians, to which are added two dissertations. One on Gal. IV. 21--v. 1. The other on Matth. II. l3, l4, l5./ James Peirce. London: J. Noon and S. Chandler, 1725 -- A paraphrase and notes on the Epistle to the Hebrews / J. Peirce. London: J. Noon and J. Chandler, 1734 -- A paraphrase and notes on the three last chapters of the Epistle to the Hebrews / Joseph Hallett. London: J. Purser, 1733 -- A paraphrase and critical commentary on the prophecy of Joel / Samuel Chandler. London: J. Noon, 1735.
James Peirce. A Paraphrase and notes, on the Epistle to the Hebrews. London: Printed for J. Noon, at the White Hare, near Mercer's Chapel, Cheapside; and J. Chandler, at the Cross Keys in the Poultry, 1727. 199 pp.
James Wilson. The Works of James Wilson, associate justice of the Supreme Court of the United States: being his public discourses upon jurisprudence and the political science, including lectures as professor of law, 1790-2 / edited by James De Witt Andrews. Volume 1 of 2. Chicago, 1896. Chapter 2. "Of the General Principle of Law and Obligation", pp. 49-94.
"I am equally far from believing that Mr. Locke was a friend to infidelity. But yet it is unquestionable, that the writings of Mr. Locke have facilitated the progress, and have given strength to the effects of skepticism. The high reputation which he deservedly acquired for his enlightened attachment to the mild and tolerating doctrines of Christianity secured to him the esteem and confidence of those who were its friends. The same high and deserved reputation inspired others of very different views and characters, with a design to avail themselves of its splendor, and, by that means, to diffuse a fascinating kind of lustre over their own tenets of a dark and sable hue. The consequence has been that the writings of Mr. Locke, one of the most able, most sincere, and most amiable assertors of Christianity and true philosophy, have been perverted to purposes which he would have deprecated and prevented had he discovered or foreseen them." - pp. 60-61.
Montesquieu, Charles de Secondat, Baron de
(1689-1755)
French writer, philosopher and publicist. Britannica Concise Encyclopedia: "His magnum opus, the enormous The Spirit of the Laws (1750), contained an original classification of governments by their manner of conducting policy, an argument for the separation of the legislative, judicial, and executive powers, and a celebrated but less influential theory of the political influence of climate. The work profoundly influenced European and American political thought and was relied on by the framers of the U.S. Constitution." Read more about Baron Montesquieu here, and here.
WORKS
The Spirit of Laws. In two volumes. Translated from the French of M. De Secondat, Baron de Montesquieu. Tenth edition. Volume 1 of 2, 407 pp. Volume 2 of 2 . London, M.DCC.LXXIII. [1773]. 443 pp.
The Spirit of Laws. In two volumes. Translated from the French of M. De Secondat, Baron de Montesquieu. Volume 1 of 2, 368 pp. Volume 2 of 2. Edition: 1st American from the 5th London ed. Worcester [Mass.]: Printed by Isaiah Thomas, jun. Sold by him, and by Matthew Carey, Philadelphia; also by the various booksellers throughout the United States, 1802. 392 pp.
As amidst several degrees of darkness we may form a judgment of those which are the least thick, and among precipices, which are the least deep; so we may search among false religions, for those that are most conformable to the welfare of society; for those which, though they have not the effect of leading men to the felicity of another life, may contribute most to their happiness in this.
I shall examine, therefore, the several religions of the world, in relation only to the good they produce in civil society ; whether I speak of that which has its root in heaven, or of those which spring from the earth.
As in this work, I am not a divine, but a political writer, I may here advance things which are no otherwise true, than as they correspond with a worldly manner of thinking, not as considered in their relation to truths of a more sublime nature.
With regard to the true religion, a person of the least degree of impartiality, must see that I have never pretended to make its interests submit to those of a political nature, but rather to unite them: now, in order to unite, it is necessary that we should know them.
The Christian religion, which ordains that men should love each other, would, without doubt, have every nation blest with the best civil, the best political laws; because these, next to this religion, are the greatest good that men can give and receive. --Vol. II, Book XXIV, 1802 edition. "Of Laws as relative to Religion, considered in itself, and in its Doctrines," pp. 125-126. 1758 edition, pp. 144-145. 1793 edition, p. 129. 1873 edition, p. 119.
CHAP. III.- That a moderate Government is most agreeable to the Christian Religion, and a despotic Government to the Mahometan.
The Christian religion is a stranger to mere despotic power. The mildness so frequently recommended in the Gospel, is incompatible with the despotic rage with which a prince punishes his subjects, and exercises himself in cruelty.
As this religion forbids the plurality of wives, its princes are less confined, less concealed from their subjects, and consequently have more humanity: they are more disposed to be directed by laws, and more capable of perceiving, that they cannot do whatever they please.
While the Mahometan princes incessantly give or receive death, the religion of the Christians renders their princes less timid, and consequently less cruel. The prince confides in his subjects, and the subjects in the prince. How admirable the religion, which, while it only seems to have in view the felicity of the other life, continues the happiness of this!
It is the Christian religion, that, in spite of the extent of the empire and the influence of the climate, has hindered despotic power from being established in Ethiopia, and has carried into the heart of Africa, the manners and laws of Europe.
The heir to the Empire of Ethiopia (*" Description of Ethiopia." by M. Ponce, Physician. "Collection of Edifying Letters.") enjoys a principality and gives to other subjects an example of love and obedience. Not far thence may we see the Mahommedan shutting up the children of the King of Sennar, at whose death the Council sends to murder them, in favor of the prince who mounts the throne.
Let us set before our eyes, on the one hand, the continual massacres of the kings and generals of the Greeks and Romans, and, on the other, the destruction of people and cities by those famous conquerors Timur Beg and Jenghiz Khan, who ravaged Asia, and we shall see that we owe to Christianity, in government, a certain political law; and in war, a certain law of nations--benefits which human nature can never sufficiently acknowledge.
It is owing to this law of nations that among us victory leaves these great advantages to the conquered, life, liberty, laws, wealth, and always religion, when the conqueror is not blind to his own interest.
--"Chap. III.--That a moderate Government is most agreeable to the Christian Religion, and a despotic Government to the Mahometan." 1873 edition, pp. 121-122.
Men are governed by several kinds of laws: by the law of nature; by the divine law, which is that of religion; by ecclesiastical, otherwise called canon law, which is that of religious polity; by the law of nations, which may be considered as the civil law of the whole globe, in which sense every nation is a citizen; by the general political law, which relates to that human wisdom from whence all societies derive their origin; by the particular political law, the object of which is each society; by the law of conquest founded on this, that one nation has been willing and able, or has had a right to offer violence to another; by the civil law of every society, by which a citizen may defend his possessions and his life, against the attacks of any other citizen; in fine, by domestic law which proceeds from a society's being divided into several families, all which have need of a particular government.
There are therefore different orders of laws, and the sublimity of human reason consists in perfectly knowing to which of these orders the things that are to be determined ought to have a principal relation, and not to throw into confusion those principles which should govern mankind." --Book XXVI. "Of Laws As Relative To The Order Of Things On Which They Determine.
Chapter I.--Idea of this Book." 1873 edition, p. 156.
There are kingdoms, in which the laws are of no value, as they depend only on the capricious and fickle humour of the sovereign. If in these kingdoms the laws of religion were of the same nature as the human institutions, the laws of religion too would be of no value. It is, however, necessary to the society that it should have something fixed; and it is religion that has this stability. 1873 edition, p. 157.
Jonathan Mayhew. "The Snare Broken," a Thanksgiving Discourse, preached at the desire of the West Church in Boston, May 23, 1766. Occasioned by the Repeal of the Stamp-Act.
Samuel Langdon. "Government Corrupted by Vice," a sermon preached before the Honorable Congress of the Colony of Massachussets Bay, on the 31st of May, 1775.
Jacob Duche. "The Duty of Standing Fast in Our Spiritual and Temporal Liberties," a sermon preached in Christ Church, July 7th, 1775, before the first battalion of the city and liberties of Philadelphia.
William Smith. "A Sermon on the Present Situation of American Affairs," preached in Christ Church, Philadelphia, June 23rd, 1775.
John Joachim Zubly. "The Law of Liberty," a sermon on American Affairs, preached at the opening of the Provincial Congress of Georgia, 1775.
John Hurt. "The Love of Country," a sermon preached before the Virginia Troops in New Jersey. 1777.
William Gordon. "The Separation of the Jewish Tribes, after the death of Solomon, accounted for, and applied to the present day, in a sermon, delivered on July 4, 1777.
Nathaniel Whitaker. "An Antidote against Toryism, or the Curse of Meroz.
Oliver Hart. "Dancing Exploded, a sermon showing the unlawfulness, sinfulness, and bad consequences of Balls, Assemblies, and Dances in general;" delivered in Charleston, SC, 1778.
Samuel Stillman. "A Sermon preached before the Honorable Council, and Honorable House of Representatives of the State of Massachusetts Bay, May 26th, 1779."
David Tappan. "A Discourse delivered in the Third Parish in Newbury, Massachusetts, on the 1st of May, 1783, occasioned by the Ratification of the Treaty of Peace between Great Britain and the United States of America."
John Rodgers. "The Divine Goodness Displayed in the American Revolution," a sermon preached in New York, December 11th, 1783.
George Duffield. "A Sermon preached in the Third Presbyterian Church in the City of Philadelphia, on December 11, 1783, on the Restoration of Peace."
President John Adams: "I wish I could transcribe the whole of this pamphlet, because it is a document of importance in the early history of the Revolution, which ought never to be forgotten. It shows, in a strong light, the heaves and throes of the burning mountain, three years, at lest, before the explosion of the volcano in Massachusetts or Virginia."
"... If the orators on the 4th of July really wish to investigate the principles and feelings which produced the Revolution, they ought to study this pamphlet, and Dr. Mayhew's sermon on passive obedience and non-resistance, and all the documents of those days." From The Works of John Adams, second president of the United States: with a life of the author, notes and illustrations. Volume 10. Boston, 1850-1856, p. 300.
"Has it [government] any solid foundation? any chief cornerstone, but what accident, chance or confution may lay one moment and destroy the next? I think it has an everlasting foundation in the unchangeable will of God, the Author of Nature whose laws never vary. The same omniscient, omnipotent, infinitely good and gracious Creator of the universe, who has been pleased to make it necessary that what we call matter should gravitate, for the celestial bodies to roll around their axis, dance their orbits, and perform their various revolutions in that beautiful order and concert, which we all admire, has made it equally necessary that from Adam and Eve to these degenerate days, the different sexes should sweetly attract each other, from societies of single families, of which larger bodies and communities are as naturally, mechanically, and necessarily combined, as the dew of Heaven and the soft distilling rain is collected by the all-enlivening heat of the sun. Government is therefore most evidently founded on the necessities of our nature. It is by no means an arbitrary thing depending merely on compact or human will for its existence.
". . . The power of God Almighty is the only power that can properly and strictly be called supreme and absolute. In the order of nature immediately under Him comes the power of a simple democracy, or the power of the whole over the whole.
". . . But let the origin of government be placed where it may, the end of it is manifestly the good of the whole. Salus populi suprema lex efto, is the law of nature, and part of that grand charter given the human race (though too many of them are afraid to assert it) by the only monarch in the universe who has a clear and indisputable right to absolute power; because He is the only ONE who is omniscient as well as omnipotent.
"The sum of my argument is, That civil government is of God: that the administrators of it were originally the whole people ... "
Appleton, John. Oration delivered before the Democratic Republicans of Portland and vicinity, July 4, 1838. Portland [Me.], 1838. 16 pp.
"In 1761, James Otis asserted the inalienable rights of man as fully and decisively as they were afterwards asserted by Thomas Jefferson. It was in his celebrated argument against writs of assistance, which President Adams characterized as breathing the breath of life into the nation. 'Otis,' says he, 'was a flame of fire. Every man, of an immense, crowded audience, appeared to go away, as I did, ready to take arms against Writs of Assistance. Then, and there, was the first act of opposition to the arbitrary claims of Great Britain. then, and there, the child, Independence, was born. In fifteen years he grew up to manhood, and declared himself free.'"
William Tudor. The Life of James Otis, of Massachusetts: containing also, notices of some contemporary characters and events, from the year 1760 to 1775. Boston, 1823. 532 pp.
"Sidney, a son of the Earl of Leicester, allied by the female line, to the Northumberland Percys, was born of the noblest blood of England. Born in 1622, he came into active life precisely at the agony of the conflict between the Democracy and the Monarchy of England. -- Sidney, though not included in the number of the regicides, was one of the main pillars of the republican cause, and was personally obnoxious to Charles the second, for some occasional offensive remarks that he had recently made--especially for two Latin lines that he had written in the album of the royal library at Copenhagen:
"Manus haec inimica tyrannis
Ense petit placidam sub libertate quietam."
"This hand, the rule of tyrants to oppose
Seeks with the sword fair freedom's soft repose,"
"I knowe my Redeemer liues [sic, lives]; and, as he hath in a great measure upheld me in the day of my calamity, hope that he will still uphold me by his Spirite in this last moment, and giving me grace to glorify him in my death, receive me into the glory prepared for those that feare him, when my body shall be dissolved. Amen."-- p. 306.
"HAVING lately seen a book, intitled, 'Patriarcha,' written by Sir Robert Filmer, concerning the universal and undistinguished right of all kings, I thought a time of leisure might be well employed in examining his doctrine, and the questions arising from it: which seem so far to concern all mankind, that, besides the influence upon our future life, they may be said to comprehend all that in this world deserves to be cared for."-- p. 309.
SECTION I.
THE COMMON NOTIONS OF LIBERTY ARE NOT FROM SCHOOL DIVINES, BUT FROM NATURE.
"IN the first lines of this book he seems to denounce war against mankind, endeavouring to overthrow the principle of liberty in which God created us, and which includes the chief advantages of the life we enjoy, as well as the greatest helps towards the felicity, that is the end of our hopes in the other. To this end he absurdly imputes to the school divines that which was taken up by them as a common notion, written in the heart of every man, denied by none, but such as were degenerated into beasts, from whence they might prove such points as of themselves were less evident. Thus did Euclid lay down certain axioms which none could deny that did not renounce common sense, from whence he drew the proofs of such propositions as were less obvious to the understanding; and they may with as much reason be accused of Paganism, who say that the whole is greater than a part, that two halves make the whole, or that a straight line is the shortest way from point to point, as to say, that they who in politics lay such foundations as have been taken up by schoolmen and others as undeniable truths, do therefore follow them, or have any regard to their authority. Though the schoolmen were corrupt, they were neither stupid nor unlearned: they could not but see that which all men saw, nor lay more approved foundations, than, that man is naturally free; that he cannot justly be deprived of that liberty without cause; and that he doth not resign it, nor any part of it, unless it be in consideration of a greater good, which he proposes to himself. But if he doth unjustly impute the invention of this to school divines, he in some measure repairs his fault in saying, 'this hath been fostered by all succeeding Papists for good divinity: the divines of the reformed churches have entertained it, and the common people every where tenderly embrace it.' That is to say, all Christian divines, whether reformed or unreformed, do approve it, and the people every where magnify it, as the height of human felicity. But Filmer, and such as are like him, being neither reformed or unreformed Christians, nor of the people, can have no title to Christianity; and, inasmuch as they set themselves against that which is the height of human felicity, they declare themselves enemies to all that are concerned in it; that is, to all mankind.
"But, says he, 'they do not remember, that the desire of liberty was the first cause of the fall of man.' And I desire it may not be forgotten, that the liberty asserted is not a licentiousness of doing what is pleasing to every one against the command of God; but an exemption from all human laws, to which they have not given their assent. If he would make us believe there was any thing of this in Adam's sin, he ought to have proved, that the law which he transgressed was imposed upon him by man, and consequently that there was a man to impose it; for it will easily appear that neither the reformed nor unreformed divines, nor the people following them, do place the felicity of man in an exemption from the laws of God, but in a most perfect conformity to them. Our Saviour taught us, 'not to fear such as could kill the body, but him that could kill, and cast into hell:' and the apostle tells us, that 'we should obey God rather than man.' It hath been ever hereupon observed, that they who most precisely adhere to the laws of God, are least solicitous concerning the commands of men, unless they are well grounded; and those who most delight in the glorious liberty of the sons of God, do not only subject themselves to him, but are most regular observers of the just ordinances of man, made by the consent of such as are concerned, according to the will of God.
John Adams. On Government: Algernon Sidney. From The Works of John Adams, Second President of the United States: with a life of the author, notes and illustrations. Boston, 1851. Volume 4 of 10.
History of the Rise, Progress, and Termination of the American Revolution. Interspersed with biographical, political and moral observations. Boston: Printed by Manning and Loring, For E. Larkin, No. 47, Cornhill, 1805. 3 volumes. 21 cm. Volume 1 of 3, Volume 2 of 3, Volume 3 of 3. Text-searchable here.
[304] At the same time that these wayward appearances began early to threaten their internal felicity, the inhabitants of America were in general sensible, that the freedom of the people, the virtue of society, and the stability of their commonwealth, could only be preserved by the strictest union; and that the independence of the United States must be secured by an undeviating adherence to the principles that produced the revolution.
These principles were grounded on the natural equality of man, their right of adopting their own modes of government, the dignity of the people, and that sovereignty which cannot be ceded either to representatives or to kings. But, as a certain writer has expressed it,
Powers may be delegated for particular purposes; but the omnipotence of society, if any where, is in itself. Princes, senates, or parliaments, are not proprietors or masters; they are subject to the people, who form and support that society, by an eternal law of nature, which has ever subjected a part to the whole.*
These were opinions congenial to the feelings, and were disseminated by the pens, of political writers; of Otis, Dickinson, [305] Quincy, and many others, who with pathos and energy had defended the liberties of America, previous to the commencement of hostilities.
On these principles, a due respect must ever be paid to the general will; to the right in the people to dispose of their own monies by a representative voice; and to liberty of conscience without religious tests: on these principles, frequent elections, and rotations of office, were generally thought necessary, without precluding the indispensable subordination and obedience due to rulers of their own choice. From [306] the principles, manners, habits, and education of the Americans, they expected from their rulers, economy in expenditure, (both public and private,) simplicity of manners, pure morals, and undeviating probity. These they considered as the emanations of virtue, grounded on a sense of duty, and a veneration for the Supreme Governor of the universe, to whom the dictates of nature teach all mankind to pay homage, and whom they had been taught to worship according to revelation, and the divine precepts of the gospel. Their ancestors had rejected and fled from the impositions and restrictions of men, vested either with princely or priestly authority: they equally claimed the exercise of private judgment, and the rights of conscience, unfettered by religious establishments in favor of particular denominations.
They expected a simplification of law; clearly defined distinctions between executive, legislative, and judiciary powers: the right of trial by jury, and a sacred regard to personal liberty and the protection of private property, were opinions embraced by all who had any just ideas of government, law, equity, or morals.
These were the rights of men, the privileges of Englishmen, and the claim of Americans: these were the principles of the Saxon ancestry of the British empire, and of all the free nations [307] of Europe, previous to the corrupt systems introduced by intriguing and ambitious individuals.
These were the opinions of Ludlow and Sydney, of Milton and Harrington: these were principles defended by the pen of the learned, enlightened, and renowned Locke; and even judge Blackstone, in his excellent commentaries on the laws of England, has observed, 'that trial by jury and the liberties of the people went out together.' Indeed, most of the learned and virtuous writers that have adorned the pages of literature from generation to generation, in an island celebrated for the erudite and comprehensive genius of its inhabitants, have enforced these rational and liberal opinions.
These were the principles which the ancestors of the inhabitants of the United States brought with them from the polished shores of Europe, to the dark wilds of America: these opinions were deeply infixed in the bosoms of their posterity, and nurtured with zeal, until necessity obligated them to announce the declaration of the independence of the United States. We have seen that the instrument which announced the final separation of the American colonies from Great Britain, was drawn by the elegant and energetic pen of Jefferson, with that [308] correct judgment, precision, and dignity, which have ever marked his character.
The declaration of independence, which has done so much honor to the then existing congress, to the inhabitants of the United States, and to the genius and heart of the gentleman who drew it, in the belief, and under the awe, of the Divine Providence, ought to be frequently read by the rising youth of the American states, as a palladium of which they should never lose sight, so long as they wish to continue a free and independent people.
This celebrated paper, which will be admired in the annals of every historian, begins with an assertion, that all men are created equal, and endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights, which nature and nature's God entitle them to claim; and, after appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of their intentions, it concludes in the name of the good people of the colonies, by their representatives assembled in congress, they publish and declare, that they are, and of right ought to be, Free and Independent States: in the name of the people, the fountain of all just authority, relying on the protection of Divine Providence, they mutually pledged themselves to maintain these rights, with their lives, fortunes, and honor.
[*]See Lessons to a Prince, by an anonymous writer. [David Williams, Lessons to a Young Prince on the Present Disposition in Europe to a General Revolution: with an Addition of a Lesson on the Mode of Studying and Profiting by the Reflections on the French Revolution by. . . Edmund Burke, by an old Statesman (6th. ed. New York, 1791).]
[**]The characters of Dickenson [sic, John Dickinson] and Otis are well known, but the early death of Mr. Quincy prevented his name from being conspicuous in the history of American worthies. He was a gentleman of abilities and principles which qualified him to be eminently useful, in the great contest to obtain and support the freedom of his country. He had exerted his eloquence and splendid talents for his purpose, until the premature hand of death deprived society of a man, whose genius so well qualified him for the investigation of the claims, and the defence of the rights of mankind. He died on his return from a voyage to Europe, a short time before war was actually commenced between Great Britain and the colonies.
The writings of the above named gentlemen, previous to the commencement of the war, are still in the hands of many.
